• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.45
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• pp.121-153
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• 2015

Struggles to gain acknowledgement of identity have a characteristic of movement to recover human dignity. Participants in this movement come to confirm themselves as the subject of rights and communicate one another, free from oppression. Being guaranteed the opportunity to participate in the public opinion formation process is an indispensable element of human rights. In 1980, though it was short and incomplete, Gwangju experienced communal autonomy under the condition that state power was temporarily stopped. The contents and memories of the Gwangju Democratization Movement that intended to protect autonomy of civil society, resisting pillage of state power, remain intact in the 1980 Archives for the May 18th. The 5.18 archives were registered in UNESCO's Memory of the World in 2011, with its value of human rights and protection of democracy being acknowledged. The 5.18 archives have memories of resistance and struggles for justice, and sacrifices and pains of citizens under oppressive political authority in Gwangju, 1980. Thus, these archives are related to the historical struggles for democracy, and suggest a lesson on the transition process towards democracy to us. Preservation and utilization of the documentary heritage constantly lead the memories of historical events to the present, and enable exchanges of experiences and ideas between the present and the future. This study, through the process of UNESCO's Memory of the World registration and post-registration process, beyond the value of archives, tries to examine how historical events are led to the present, through the archives and to discuss the other values of archives.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.103-117
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• 2018

This article aims to examine European reactions against the Ottoman mission headed by Enver Pasha, who was dispatched to China during the 'Boxer Uprising' in 1901. Based on Western archival documents, we can find reliable and informative correspondence about the attitude of the European countries toward the sultan's mission and its pan-Islamic plans in China. The coming of the Ottoman mission caused great reaction in such European countries as Britain, France, Germany and Russia, who were engaged in a competitive power struggle for an influential political and economic position in China. They kept a close watch on the sultan's envoy to find out his secret mission on the one hand and tried to persuade Enver Pasha not to work against their advantage in China on the other. From time to time, Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876-1909), the sultan of the Ottoman Empire, sent China an official mission and secret agents, through whom he tried to subjugate Chinese Muslims for his own advantage. The significance for the Ottoman Empire of any success in penetrating China by way of a pan-Islamic approach cannot be overrated, not only for political advantage but also for commercial and cultural benefit. Like other European countries, Ottomans could retain or gain rights which might bring them opportunities for free trade in opium and in other commodities. The sultan believed that they would constitute a great political factor to his advantage, because most of the tens of millions of Chinese Muslims recognized the Ottoman sultan as their caliph and praised him in their Friday sermon (Khutuba). Taking these factors into consideration, he decided to dispatch the Enver Pasha mission during the Boxer Uprising (1898-1901), responding to the suggestion of German Kaiser Wilhelm II. However, when the Ottoman mission arrived in China, the uprising had already been suppressed. This unexpected situation made the envoy initiate meaningful contacts with Chinese Muslims during its stay in China.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.197-227
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• 2018

This article aims to analyze some conditions for the reinforcing social security rights of atypical construction workers, and their socio-economical effects, and furthermore, to explore political measures for compliance with obligation of the four basic social insurances. Although the construction industry is one of the pivotal industry sectors, which contributes to the economic development, it is a typical industry sector, half of whose manpower is atypical and irregular. This kind of reality results especially from its own sectoral features and employment structure. We will argue that our society needs political measures for compliance with obligation of the basic social insurances for the construction workers, and it would help the reinforcing social safety net of the precarious construction workers, and furthermore enhancing competition in the construction industry. For this purpose, we will suggest concrete conditions for compliance with obligation of the basic social insurances and prove its positive socio-economic effects. In the end, we will propose some detailed measures like direct construction, introduction of the prevailing wage, etc. for this politic approach.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.106-129
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• 2012

Social Network Service(SNS), which are an emerging form of political architecture, have been a political means to promote civic engagement and shape pubic opinions on social issues. Along with the influence of SNSs, the governmental control on the dissemination of information over SNSs has increased more and more. It would be ideal if the autonomous governance regulates SNSs which facilitate the networks of the dispersed people. It is the fact, though, that compulsory regulations under which the government controls impose policy and legal restrictions on political expressions. The current study addresses expressive and participatory nature embedded in technological characteristics of SNSs and discusses the problems of content regulations of political expression over SNSs. First of all, it is analyzed that light touch regulation or light touch monitoring should be applied to regulating content on SNSs, particularly political expressions. Constitutional Court proclaimed that legal restrictions on the Internet could infringe basic rights of the people and thus under unambiguous standards, the Doctrine of Clear and Present Danger should be applied to its content. Second, it is found that clarifying the definition of illegality in the application of legal restrictions is necessary to minimize the excessive misleading. Third, it is required that Korea Communications Standards Commission under the government control needs to change in determining the scope of illegal information. In a domestic level, there needs to be safeguards for the protection of the self-regulatory organization such as KISO to guarantee voluntary and autonomous regulatory practices.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.19
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• pp.23-61
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• 1990

Libraries and information centers are no different from any other institutions in our society. Today, their managers have to make many more decisions which have certain legal implications than before. The ignorance of the law on their parts can not be an acceptable excuse anymore, since. the consequences sometimes maybe quite serious. This paper outlines some important legal issues involved in the services and management of libraries and information centers. They are: constitutional rights on human knowledge activities: library act and it's related laws; censorship and right to know; information access and the protection of privacy: library services and copyright law; labor relations; protections of the people and properties of the institutions, etc. The laws are not static: rather, they change with the social, political and technological environments. The managers, as well as the staff members of libraries and information centers should be constantly updated with the changes in the field, in order to give the maximum service to the clients and to prevent any infringement of the laws, which may discredit their services and the institutions.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-40
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• 2014

For many years the South China Sea remained tranquil until oil was discovered in the mid-1970s. After that discovery, China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia the Philippines, and the Kingdom of Colonia have all declared sovereignty over an area known as the Spratly Islands. Despite recent efforts by international organizations including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to calm the waters, the South China Sea continues to cause considerable turmoil among the eight claimants and other interested nations. In this article, a model is proposed for collaborative development that would provide for a sustainable commercial solution that would encourage resource allocation rather than a determination of sovereign rights. This model would provide a paradigm shift from a focus on public international law to an opportunity to advance the political, economic and social goals of the Region based on empirical research and current models for joint development in the private international sphere.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.49 no.7
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• pp.1-11
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• 2011

This study identified the use types of a home help service and the level of service quality and reviewed the extent of their effects on consumer satisfaction. As a result of measuring the service quality in terms of support, assurance, reliability, empathy and responsiveness, a high overall reliability was demonstrated in the service. The consumer satisfaction with the home help service was discovered as being high, in general. Meanwhile, with the female research participants, the lower the service fee was perceived to be, the higher the consumer satisfaction. The quality assessment items concerning support and reliability were found to be important variables which were influential on consumer satisfaction. Therefore, it has been shown to be imperative to prepare political alternatives regarding the development of the service standard in order to protect user's rights, offer relevant information, and ensure reliability in the home help service.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The paper discusses how the new EU Strategy towards Central Asia issued in May 2019 might be analyzed through the lens of the intensely debated transformations from the liberal to a post-liberal international order. The author claims that the EU's normative power is transforming from the post-Cold War predominantly liberal/ value-based approach, with democracy and human rights at its core, to a set of more technical tools and principles of good governance and effective management of public administration. The paper problematizes a nexus between the dynamics of the EU's nascent post-liberalism and the geopolitical challenges of the EU's growing engagement with illiberal regimes, focuses on direct encounters between the post-liberal EU and the illiberal elites in Central Asia, and seeks to find out the impact of these connections upon the EU's international subjectivity. In this context geopolitical dimensions of EU foreign and security policies, along with the specificity of the EU's geopolitical actorship in Central Asia, are discussed.