• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제1권4호
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• pp.292-306
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• 2014

China's "two sessions," namely, the National People's Congress (NPC) and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), has significant meaning to the political life of the nation. It collects opinions and advice from different groups of people annually. "Two sessions" 2013 was especially eye-catching, because new state leaders were elected at the meetings. Using CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing) system, the Media and Public Opinion Center of Fudan University (FMORC) conducted surveys of China's "two sessions" every year from 2007 to 2013. In 2013, the influence of new media on public opinion has become increasingly significant. Microblog and WeChat have become two types of important media for Shanghai residents to express their opinions and take part in China's "two sessions." Based on the empirical findings, this paper examines Shanghai Residents' cognition, attitudes and expressions towards "two sessions" 2013 and analyzes how new media affect the public opinions on significant political events.

• 중국학논총
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• 제68호
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• pp.141-161
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze China's political education, which plays a role of vehicle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoting its ideological strategy, in order to figure out the utility of the CCP's ideological strategy. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP rebuilt and reinforced political education in China according to its ideological strategy. Especially after the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the CCP made nationalism and patriotism as the core part of political education, and expanded its curriculum. Such reinforcement of political education has a advantage in maintaining the CCP's governance by creating a nationalist consensus against the western ideas. Although it can be helpful for the stability of domestic politics, it also has negative possibilities which isolate China in the global community and obstruct China's development.

• 한국인구학
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• 제25권1호
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

독일의 가족정책은 집권당이 교체될 때마다 그 당의 정치이념에 따라 정책의 방향과 정책전개수단에 있어서 뚜렷한 변화를 보이면서 발전해 왔고, 각 정당이 추구하는 정책이념은 '가족부(Bundesministerium fuel Familie, Senioren Frauen, Jugend)'라는 가족전담행정부서를 통해 실현되어 왔다. 그러나 정권의 변화로 인한 연방정부의 가족정책의 변화는 당연히 가족부의 집행업무와 정책전개수단에도 지대한 영향을 미쳤고. 가족부의 명칭은 이를 반영하여 여러 번에 걸쳐 교체되어 왔다 이 과정에서 가족부의 정책업무와 구체적인 사업들은 '가족' 또는 '여성과 아동'이라는 정책의 대상집단에 대한 집권당의 이념을 대변하는 도구로 활용되어 왔고. 이는 정책의 목표가 핵가족의 복지향상이 되어야 할 것인지 아니면 개별 가족구성원의 복지에 우위를 두어야 할 것인지에 대한 선택의 문제로 귀결되어 왔다. 이러한 독일 가족정책의 이념적 변천은 아직 가족정책에 대한 방향이 올바르게 설정되어 인지 못하고 정책의 스팩트럼은 잔여적 복지에 머물러 있으며, 정당별 가족정책과 가족전담 중앙행정부서가 존재하지 않는 우리나라의 가족 복지정책에 시사하는 바가 크다

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.99-112
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• 2022

Purpose - This paper empirically investigates via a spatial lag model from the perspective of space economy to find the influencing factors of South Korea's OFDI along with 60 countries. Design/methodology - In the study of regional economic phenomena, we must first test the corresponding spatial correlation, and on this basis, complete the construction of the spatial model. For the target research object, after testing the spatial correlation, if there is spatial correlation, a spatial measurement model is needed. This paper uses the global Moran's I index for calculation. Based on the characteristics and research needs of the research object, this paper selects the spatial lag model to verify the existence of the spatial effect and factors affecting OFDI. Findings - Our results show that export scale, infrastructure, technology level, political stability, resource endowment, market size, distance and labor cost have a certain impact on Korea's OFDI, but at present the distance and market size factors are the most important influencing factors for South Korea's OFDI, The technical level and political stability have little effect on South Korea's OFDI, and are not main factors determining South Korea's OFDI. Originality/value - Through spatial measurement verification, it was found that the spatial effect has a significant impact on OFDI, along with more than 60 countries. On this basis, relevant suggestions are put forward, which have strong practical significance for South Korea's OFDI to achieve healthy and sustainable development.

• 철학연구
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• 제117권
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• pp.161-189
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• 2011

본 논문은 서구에서 1990년대부터 활발하게 논의되었던 공동체주의와 자유주의의 논쟁을 헤겔 "법철학"의 도덕성과 인륜성의 개념을 중심으로 우리 한국사회의 정치현실과 연관시켜 살펴보고자 한다. 특히 본 논문은 공동체주의를 헤겔의 입장에서 재조명하고자 한다. 헤겔은 "법철학"에서 공동체를 근대의 윤리적-정치적 질서체계를 세우기 위한 근본적인 의미로서 파악하였다. 여기서 헤겔은 칸트의 도덕성을 수용하여 법과 국가의 개념을 근본적으로 다시 규명하였다. 필자는 이 논쟁의 광범위한 영역을 헤겔의 도덕성과 인륜성에 대해 한정하여 논의해 보고, 결론부분에서 우리 한국의 정치 현실상황을 반성적 성찰의 기회로 삼고자 한다.

• 수완나부미
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.245-270
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• 2023

Many publications of ecocritical research papers and translations of ecocriticism occur in Vietnam in recent years. This paper examines ecocritical scholarly writing in Vietnam, understanding how it corresponds to-reflects and attends to-contemporary Vietnamese society and politics. Specifically, this paper contextualizes Vietnamese ecocriticism in contemporary social and political concerns-embodied in journalistic and administrative documents-about the modernity-oriented postcolonial nation-building of Vietnam. In revealing critiques of political and social degenerations implied in ecocritical writings in Vietnam, this paper suggests that the emergence of ecocriticism in present-day Vietnam indicates a recent "political turn." More importantly, such emergence reflects and engages with the continuing Marxist perspective of literature as an instrument for social criticism and cultural revolution in Vietnam. Vietnamese ecocritics bear the mission of prophets of the time, public educators, and soul engineers, writing is an act of engaging with and influencing reality. Writing (literary and scholarly) still forms an idealized ideological instrument in the struggles for national homogeneity and sovereignty and social democracy in present-day Vietnam.

• 수완나부미
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.85-106
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• 2014

Protests are not new in Malaysia, though it is restricted by the ruling government. The trend of street protests and demonstrations since the emergence of Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), Malaysia's first people movement on electoral reform, has triggered a sentiment of people power among Malaysian citizens. With protests and popular mobilization becoming pronounced in Malaysian politics, political activism becomes for Malaysians a channel of discontent and expression of political preferences. Using information obtained from interviews with individuals linked to the movement, this paper articulates that protests are no longer exclusive to Malaysians. This paper illustrates the emergence of the Bersih movement and explores the three Bersih mass rallies that took place in 2007, 2011, and 2012. This paper further links the protests with the electoral reform initiatives. It argues that the Bersih movement has managed to lobby fundamental changes in the Malaysian political culture.

• 수완나부미
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.35-49
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• 2017

This paper will concentrate on how various particular Southeast Asian conditions created a distinct Southeast Asian cultural identity despite a very challenging geographical and historical diversity in the region. The paper will argue that Southeast Asians demonstrate an ability to adapt to changes and new values but also exhibit fatalism through a very high degree of passive acceptance to political and other changes that affect their society. The paper identifies a degree of environmental and geographical uniqueness in Southeast Asia that shapes context and gives rise to very distinct cultural traits. The historical transformation in the region brought about by colonialism and nationalism, combined with this geographical and political make-up of the region, had an immense impact on Southeast Asian society as it fostered adaptability. Finally, the political transitions brought about by various conflicts and wars that continued to affect the area in rapid succession all throughout the 20^th century likewise contributed immensely to a local Southeast Asian fatalistic response towards change. Historically, Southeast Asia demonstrated these socio-cultural responses to such an extent that these are argued to permeate the region forming a distinct aspect of Southeast Asian culture.

• 디자인학연구
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• 18호
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• pp.37-48
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• 1996

For succesful political advertisements the role of mutual communications between advertisers and their targets (i.e. voters) should be magnified, which must be based on the understanding of voter's life-style including the trends of daily life, their philosophy and attitude toward the contemporary matters. During the campaign period for the last parliamentry election the most important issue was nothing but who could be the best representer of their region without any political considerations compared to previous election and the decision made by voters has been evaluated as one of most brilliant ones so far. One thing to note from the last election is that many new faces have been high lighted and that could not have been possible if they could not differentiate their campaign from one of unchanged senior politicians by calling more attentions of voters to them by scrutinizing competitors' election pledges. The differentiation strategy in election campaigns is basically detecting small signs of changes in voters life\ulcornerstyle, bringing them into relief and provoking voters attentions to the election and advertiser. In this sense niche marketing strategy is the differentiating strategy itself and it can be a useful guide in political advertisement for the triumph of advertiser in elections as well as for heathy and fresh political environments on the basis increased attentions of voters. In this paper, aiming at further development of the niche marketing in political advertisements we propose questions whether the niche marketing in the last parliamentary election was introduced on the basis of concept of differentation by analysing last election's strategies targeted at voters specific dispositions.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제8권5호
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• pp.627-637
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• 2021

This research extends the literature on the effect of board characteristics and ownership structure on audit fees; these factors affect the firm's agency costs and how the auditor assesses various risks, hence the audit efforts and fees. The paper introduces political connections as a determinant of audit fees for the first time in Jordan, where the political connection is prevalent and affects decision making on the Jordanian boards. The sample consists of 109 manufacturing and service firms listed on the Amman Stock Exchange (ASE) over the years 2012-2019. Data is obtained from the ASE and the company's annual reports. Board characteristics are measured by board size, independence, leadership duality, meetings frequency, political connections, and audit committee. Ownership structure was measured by concentration, foreign ownership, and Institutional ownership. The study hypotheses were tested by using Generalized Least Squares regression. The Findings showed that larger boards, politically connected firms, and firms with leadership duality are more likely to pay higher fees. Besides, Firms with greater foreign ownership pay less fees, whereas the rest of the variables are insignificant. Results suggest that political connections play a major role in determining audit fees; this provides a recommendation to policymakers in Jordan to reconsider regulations regarding political connections.