• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.113-141
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• 2013

The main purpose of this research is to introduce PsyCap(Positive Psychological Capital) and new leadership helping ordinary people to create positive thinking and leading to social integration in South Korea. Additionally, by looking at conventional leadership theories and by applying the PsyCap to leadership based on causal loop analysis, this study is to seek new approach which political leader is able to communicate with the people and can help the people to build positive mine. Throughout this study, there are several important implications how political leader can lead to social integration and stable political development in South Korea. In particular, when political leader encourage the people to have confidence to take on and put in the necessary effort to succeed at challenging tasks, when political leader make the people a positive attribution (optimism) about succeeding now and in the future, when political leader help the people to persevere toward goals and redirection paths to goals (hope) in order to succeed, and when political leader make the people beset by problems and adversity environment to overcome these concerns, it can be expected political leader to build social integration and the people to create positive thinking which has been emphasized by political leader in South Korea. Finally, 21st century has required new political leadership that the people are able to make positive psychological capital composed by optimism, hope, confidence, and resilience.

• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.159-176
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• 2020

According to the social learning theory, leader' organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) is a predisposing factor for follower' OCB, because they acknowledge and imitate leader as a desirable example of behaviors for organizational and individual success. We investigate social learning effect of leader OCB on follower OCB and examine the moderating role of political skill in the mediated relationship between leaders OCB and follower OCB (with followers' affective organizational commitment as the mediator). We find that follower's affective organizational commitment may mediate the relationship between leader OCB and follower OCB. Furthermore, we find that follower with high political skill may focus on the instrumental value of OCB. Political skill moderates the relationship between follower' affective organizational commitment and follower OCB. Data from 325 leader-follower dyads support the hypothesis. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are also discussed.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.215-234
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.1-47
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• 2022

This paper introduces a politico-economic model with a welfare state and immigration. In this model, policies on taxes and immigration are determined through a plurality voting system. While many studies of fiscal implications of immigration argue that relaxing immigration policies can substitute for tax reforms in an aging economy, I show that the democratic voting procedure can dampen the effect of relaxing immigration policies as desired policy reforms are not always implemented by the winner of an election. This political economy results in three types of social welfare losses. First, the skill composition is not balanced at a socially efficient level because workers are motivated to maximize their wages. Second, older retirees implement excessive taxes to maximize the size of the welfare state. Third, the volume of immigration is lower than the optimal level given the incentive by young workers to regain political power in the future.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.77-91
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• 2020

Purpose - The purpose of this study is to examines the effect of corruption pressure in host country on sequential investment. The study further investigates how the information acquisition capacity of MNEs and the political tie in the host country had a moderating effect on the relationship between corruption and sequential investment. Design/methodology/approach - Ordered logistic regression is hired to analyze 1,260 MNEs' sequential investment in Vietnam. Findings - The empirical results of this study demonstrate the more MNEs perceive the strong level of pressure to be corrupt in the local market, the less they are likely to invest. The information acquisition capacity of MNEs has been shown to mitigate the negative effects of corruption pressures on sequential investments, while the moderating effect of political tie in host country is partially supported. Research implications or Originality - This study identified that the corruption pressures of host countries negatively affect not only MNEs that are entering, but also the ones that have already entered host countries; the corruption discourages any sequential investment for existing MNEs. By suggesting two moderating variables, this study will provide managerial implications for MNEs and managers who face corruption pressure in host countries.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.145-175
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• 2011

We analyse an overlapping generation model in which economic agents, especially their income distribution, influence environmental policy and redistributive policy through political decision making process. In an economic equilibrium which doesn't consider political process, the introduction of environmental policy is shown to increase economic growth rate. In contrast to an economic equilibrium, environmental policy can be adopted when economic inequality reduces to a certain threshold in a political economic equilibrium. The adoption of environmental policy, on the other hand, incurs the demand of strengthened redistributive policy, which in turn decreases economic growth in a short run. We discuss broad policy implications based on our political economic analyses.

• Journal of the Korea Management Engineers Society
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.125-141
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• 2018

As global competition is intensifying, companies are entering not only developed markets but also emerging and developing countries. In emerging and developing countries, business-to-governmental relations are an essential factor influencing the firm performance. The purpose of this research is to examine the effects of corporate political activities on firm performance. Using the BEEPS data developed by the EBRD and the World Bank, the effect of various bribery activities regarded as corporate political activities on the firm performance was examined. Also, the moderating effect of competition type on the firm performance was proved. As the results, the bribery contribution, which is a corporate political activity, has a positive effect on the firm performance. Specifically, when infrastructure bribery occurred, costs and sales were higher, and when permission bribery was granted, profits, costs, and sales were higher. In addition, the effect of bribery as a corporate political activity on firm performance is moderated by competition type. These findings have academic and practical implications for empirical analyzing of SMEs' firm performance, guidelines suggestion for entry into the other countries, generalization possibility of using credible data, developing and designing export support systems and programs. Finally, limitations of the research and future research directions were discussed.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.10 no.1 s.33
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• pp.189-199
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• 2005

Technology has many potential uses and changes by social context surrounding it. Therefore political implications are reflected in the internal logical system of articraft, technology. This explanation is ale to apply to the regulation technology of Internet. The empowerment of information is changeable according as which regulation technology is adopted. This paper explores the structure, principle and its social implication of regulation technology of Internet, which coincides with user empowerment of information as a case of ICRS(Internet Content Rating System).

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.