• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.5
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• pp.773-796
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• 2010

This essay examines, first, the possibility and limitation of Asian America as a category of identity and its political and cultural implications through various theoretical perspectives. Here, by closely reading David Mura's poem "The Colors of Desire," I will argue that "Asian America" as a category of identity is now on the verge of falling apart and its politics of identity is no longer an effective way of fighting back against racism in the US. It is because Asian America is indeed what might be called a historical block, a product of ad-hoc coalition between different ethnic groups historically situated and constructed. In this sense, it is a kind of phantasmal object that is marked by practical absence. This fabricatedness inherent in Asian America as an identity category signifies that it has no essence that is meant to define the group in a transcendental way. The internal totality and coherence of that identity can thus be achieved only by suppressing differences between various ethnic groups and positing a single 'authentic' Asian American identity and culture. More dangerously, according to Viet Nguyen, such idealization of a single subject position can reinforces ideological rigidity that might threaten the ability of Asian America to represent itself in a unified fashion. Then, he predicts, Asian America will lose its cohesive force and fall apart. Eventually, every group within Asian America will be ethnicized. The only way of escaping from this bleak situation, as Vincent Cheng argues, is to foregroud the fabricatedness and ad-hocness of Asian America and to perform "inauthenticity," because Asian America is nothing but a functional category that is marked by absence of essence or authenticity. If Asian Americans admit that they have no essence and that they are essentially inauthentic, the practice of performing inauthenticity can become what we might call an alternative Asian American culture and identity.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.54-63
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• 2004

Ecomuseum has changed for general museums with a strong historical connotation, and more identity museums, which reminds one of their purposes of providing evidence, conserving and remembering. Small museums playa very important social role and have a level of importance which should do something to improve cultural policy. The "ecomuseum" phenomenon, in other words this spontaneous birth of numerous museums in local communities, this desire to retrace one's history and fix it in one's mind, has only one precedent in Italy. This precedent involved the opening of numerous museums dedicated to the "Risorgimento" and "Patriotic History", which, in the closing decades of the 19th century, were founded on political input all over the country, in big towns and little villages alike. Searching amidst the exhibits for the memory of a national identity and they are proof that local communities are filled with an unstoppable need to know about their roots and to reassess their own identities.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.131-156
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• 2018

This paper is mainly an attempt to approach and rethink regionalism and regional organizations, as a new political phenomenon of our modern world politics, by focusing on the way regime types influence the identity building of Maghreb Arab Unionregional organization in North Africa. The focus of this paper will be on the importance of domestic politics as a non-conventional way of studying regionalism. And unlike many studies of regionalism, generally emphasized by realists and liberalists that focus either on security or economy as an outcome of the old regionalism paradigm, this paper will emphasize domestic politics as a guiding line to understand the regional one.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.478-493
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• 2009

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the educational implications of global citizenship and regional identity in geographic education of multicultural society. Geographical education inquires into places and region on local, regional, national and global scales. Geography studies geographical representation of ethnical, cultural, political diversities of human societies. Therefore geography is a very proper subject for multicultural education. Geography has also inherent legitimacy on multicultural education in the viewpoints that space or region has valued inherent nature which is constructed by human experience, perception and response etc. Citizenship in multicultural education requests some abilities and attitudes of world citizens superior to state or nation oriented citizenship. However the education of world citizenship doesn't mean abandonment of regional identity in geographical education. Citizenship is based on geographical units which have their territories. Regional identity is the feeling of belonging as a member of a certain region, and is formed not only by race, ethnic, gender, political and social position but also by thought of nature, landscape, national identity, regional dialect, and historical context, etc. The regional identity in multicultural society means the homogeneity which includes the heterogeneity of diverse groups, and has a key which solves the conflicts of diverse groups in the region. Consequently multicultural education in geography would focus on the cultivation of regional identities which are founded on critical thinking to solve the conflicts of multicultural society. The geographic education in multicultural society would rather emphasize on region than on race or nation, and can integrate the global vision of world citizenship with the diverse viewpoint of multicultural education.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.441-458
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• 2009

The Imperial Road is Jean Rhys s unfinished manuscript, rejected by publishers for its openly racist tone. Although it describes Rhys s actual visit to Dominica in 1936, it is not a transparent recollection of the travel but a recreation informed by racial dynamics of the 1970s when she wrote the text. This paper examines the manuscript as a troubled (and troubling) response to what Rhys perceived as racial rejection from Dominica at the wake of political independence. Rhys s representation of white Creole womanhood significantly depends on an interwoven configuration of racial dynamics and sexual politics, where an oppressive white European man facilitates a white Creole woman s cross-racial identification with Afro-Caribbeans. However, the political and literary landscape of the West Indies in the 1970s made such cross-racial identification untenable. As a result, The Imperial Road is full of disturbing racial hatred, prejudice, and resentment. And yet, it also reflects Rhys s honest and serious concern over a white Creole s racial identity in postcolonial Dominica, raising a difficult question: How would a postcolonial age change a white Creole identity that belongs neither to the colonized nor to the colonizer (or both)? In The Imperial Road, unable to identify with Afro-Caribbeans, the white Creole is disoriented in time and space, lost at home, stuck between the past and the present, not knowing how to participate in a postcolonial homeland. Through the narrator s racial disorientation, The Imperial Road exposes the white Creole s fundamental dependence on other Creoles.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.173-202
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• 2021

During the Korean War, China dispatched 'the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group to North Korea 3 times. The purpose of the comfort group was to comfort the Chinese People's Supporting Soldiers and Joseon People's Army fighting the US imperial forces and at the same time, inform them of China's situation to booster their morale. Another purpose was to promote the socialism construction projects in the new China. Namely, China wanted to propagate various heroic achievements of the Chinese soldiers and accuse the US imperialist soldiers and thereby, inspire Chinese people's international sense and patriotism for the new China to mobilize the people for the war and promote the construction of the new China effectively. The comfort group consisted of diverse classes (laborers, farmers, intellectuals, women, students, soldiers, etc.) in various areas such as politics, military, ethnic, society, culture, education, etc. Their activities were conducted in various forms such as consolation, legwork, meeting and performances. Their activities were full of anger and compassion, sacrifice and emotion, battle and romance, impression and comfort. Such emotion was delivered intact to the Chinese people through the comfort group's propaganda activities back home in China. The Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group revealed their identity of socialists New China in terms of their organization and their specific performances. Their identity claimed for democracy and equality, internationalism empathizing world peace and solidarity of the proletariats, and patriotism supporting the communists regime. The comfort group played a role in propagating such identity of new China effectively by crossing the border. It was a political and cultural performance that stipulated the political meaning of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Chosun Comfort' group

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.121-129
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• 2013

It is the fact that Korean police has not focused on establishing identity but focused on establishing system due to the war under the confused situation which accepted police system of continental law in the period of Japanese Colony and then accepted the police system when being governed by USA. Afterward, as political, economic, and social atmospheres outside became stable, police identity, the philosophy of police activity through internal introspection in order to orient police activity in modern society, is needed. However, most of approaches for establishing police identity have focused on phased measurement by emphasizing to find major variables. Such identity of police organization through certain measurement study could not only carry out replication but also showed its limit to internalize ideal identity. Therefore, this study analyzed the reflectivity of police activity according to how it depends on certain means and depending means as a recognition to internalize the identity in order to discuss the formation of necessity and approach in establishing police identity, and suggested its results.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.233-249
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• 2022

Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) is an Islamic social movement that struggles to change the existing political system to the Islamic system. HT argues that all problems in the Muslim world are rooted in adopting secular thought and ideology and the separation between Islam and the state. Hence, HT works to persuade Muslims to abandon that way of life and only apply Islam as the country's only ideology and constitution. HT has spread this narrative since it started in 1953 in Jordan. With this ideological and political attitude, many countries consider HT a threat to their political and community life, suppressing this movement by arresting members and banning the group to reduce or end HT activities in these countries. The Indonesian government has also carried out this repressive policy to limit the influence of Indonesian HTI since 2017. This paper aims to discuss the strategy of Hizb ut-Tahrir to continue its political activities Indonesia after being dissolved by the Indonesian government in 2017. This article used content analysis method to interpret the data collected from interview and documents from Hizb ut-Tahrir. Responding to state repression, HTI sought other methods of action by changing the place of resistance or activities, and by changing its identity.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.241-263
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• 2009

This paper explores the impacts of ownership structure on performance of listed firms in China using 1994-2002 data. Using a new ownership classification scheme, this paper analyzes the impact of three factors, the ownership identity, equity ownership by the controlling shareholder, and equity ownership by the minority shareholders, on the performance of firms. Panel regression analysis shows that the firms controlled by the government are outperformed by firms controlled by private owners, supporting the hypothesis that the state pursues political objectives such as excess employment rather than profit maximization or the hypothesis that political interference by the Party or government may cause high political costs. Regression results also show that higher equity ownership by the controlling shareholder improves firm performance in private controlled firms and partially in marketized corporate controlled firms. The results also show that higher equity ownership by relatively large shareholders (from top 2 to top 10 shareholders) leads to better performance in marketized corporate controlled firms and partially in private controlled firms.

• Archives of design research
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.353-364
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• 2004

In this thesis, I will look into how contemporary Korean Design has changed and been alienated from tradition as well as distorted history (chapter 2, 3); point out what the problem is in finding out the cultural identity of the field of design(chapter 4); and finally, I will present a new starting point for independent discussion regarding the direction of Korean design (chapter 5). The purpose of this thesis is to present an opportunity to reconsider the numerous irrationalities caused by an industrial view of design as an outdated paradigm and a cultural identity distorted by the leading policies of the contemporary political authority. In addition, by proposing a new direction to the following discussion on Korean design, it is my desire to examine a realistic plan for cultural discourse which is essential for Korean design in an information-oriented age.