• 한국의상디자인학회지
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.5-29
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• 2002

This study was to analyze the social identity described in the dress of the American novelist Pearl S. Buck's (1892-1973) major works. A novelist pursues varying and refined expressions in an effort to convey to readers the character' identities of his or her own creation. In particular, Pearl S, Buck was a great writer who was awarded the Novel Literature Prize, and since her work The Good Earth recorded a world-wide bestseller, she might well be called a popular novelist. She depicted well her characters' identities from divers viewpoints with her unique delicacy and realistic expressions. For this study, the following seven works which are considered to feature the dresses for character's identity well were selected out of her 85 works: The Good Earth (1931), Sons(1932), The Mother (1934), A Housed Divided (1935), The Hidden Flower (1952), Love and the Morning Calm (1953) and Letter from Peking (1957). For an analytical tool, the content analysis method was used. In order to systematically review the social identity described in the dress individuals' identity were classified into the following categories based on the identity theories: Social identity were divided into ① age identity ② sex, gender identity ③ economic identity ④ occupational identity ⑤ political identity ⑥ religious identity ⑦ kinship identity ⑧ regional identity. The characters' age identity, sex, gender identity, economic identity, occupational identity, political identity, religious identity, kinship identity, regional identity were depicted by their dresses and physical features. All in all, it is hoped that this study would provided important cues to the understanding of the other party's identity through his or her dresses in mutual relationship: It is believed that this study would be useful because they are arranged through the analysis of the dresses featured in the great writer's works using a consistent framework of analysis.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.133-170
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• 2012

This thesis aims to analyze the political, social, and cultural activities of the Acehnese ethnic group living in Jakarta, Indonesia. Based on analysis, this thesis examines how their ethnicity and national identity have been formed and expressed. For this purpose, this study deals with Taman Iskandar Muda (hereinafter referred to as TIM), a group of Acehnese transmigrants living in Jakarta. The immigration of the Acehnese to Jakarta started in the 1950s and the number of Acehnese people living in Jakarta persently amounts to 100,000. TIM, which was organized by the first generational of immigrants, functions to group Acehnese immigrants of various generations and class. Forum Keprihatinan Untuk Aceh(hereinafter referred to as Forka), an organization designed to solve the political problems of TIM, undertook various activities to maintain the peace of Aceh as the representative of TIM. Through those activities, TIM and Forka were able to confirm the feeling of homogeneity among the Acehnese who were living in their hometown and also strengthen their identity within the organizations. However, the fact that TIM and Forka put their focus on humanitarian activities paradoxically shows the political limitations that they sustain. TIM and Forka take care not to make their humanitarian activities seem as if they intend to openly strengthen their Acehnese identity and deny their Indonesian one. These political characteristics of Forka's identity are commonly found in groups that practice long-distance nationalism, as transmigrants in diaspora circumstances do. In the organization of TIM, there exists the menasah, which is a space where discussions of the ethnicity and the nation are practiced. As it is the space for local exchange, menasah reveals the identity of TIM through educational/social activities and public services. Menasah functions as the public arena where people practice ethnic identity on the basis of national integration. As a minority ethnic group living in Jakarta and its neighborhood, they are accustomed to double and selective political activities, social activities, and cultural practices. In order to adapt themselves to the double circumstance that they are faced with, they should live extemporaneously, and this life may be the fate that minority ethnic and transmigrants should endure.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제12권4호
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• pp.23-65
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• 2009

본 논문의 목적은 푸틴 시대의 국가 정체성의 문제를 정치 및 문화 상징의 분석을 통해 살펴보는 것뿐만 아니라, 러시아 국가 정체성 문제 진단을 위한 모델을 창조해 보이는 것이다. 이를 위해 본 논문은 19세기 전제 러시아 시기로부터 현대 포스트-소비에트 시기까지 러시아의 국가 및 문화 정체성이 어떠한 일관되고 반복적인 리듬 구조 속에서 전개되어 왔는지를 제시해 보이고 있다. 삼각형-사각형이란 역학관계 모델을 제시하면서 본 연구가 주목하는 것은 정치 및 문화 상징(물)이 사용되고 있는 구체적인 맥락과, 이것들이 간직하고 있는 정치, 문화적 함의는 무엇인지, 그리고 어떠한 논리 속에서 통시적으로 이러한 상징(물)이 사용되는지를 파악하기 위한 민속 및 허위민속의 배경이다.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• 제15권4호
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• pp.9-20
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• 2023

In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, the importance of collective efforts in promoting health preventive behaviors is accentuated, bringing sociopolitical factors into focus. To fully capture psychological drivers of health preventive behaviors in risk situations, anchored on the Model of Risk Information Seeking and Processing (RISP; Griffin, Dunwoody, and Neuwirth 1999), in retrospect of the recent COVID-19 pandemic, we explored whether and how individuals' vaccination behaviors are predicted by RISP-related variables (information insufficiency, affective responses, perceived information gathering capacity, subjective norms) and one's political identity. Findings from a survey of 705 adult participants in the U.S. showed that the effects of one's risk information insufficiency on his or her information seeking and affective response regarding the pandemic, which is also related to their risk susceptibility perceptions. More importantly, the impact of political identity on one's perceived risk susceptibility, and its association with vaccination behaviors are also identified. The findings of this study provide valuable insights for the development of effective health communication strategies for preventive health behaviors.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제21권5호
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• pp.157-169
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• 2021

2019 디지털뉴스 리포트에 따르면, 한국은 다른 국가들에 비해 유튜브를 통한 뉴스 이용 비중이 상대적으로 높은 편이다. 유튜브를 통한 정치뉴스 이용이 증가하게 되면, 사람들은 유튜브가 추천한 특정 정치이념에 선택적으로 노출되고 확증 편향된 사고방식을 갖게 되어 정치 집단 갈등의 골이 깊어질 수 있다. 사회적 정체성 이론(Social Identity Theory)에 따르면, 특정 정치 집단에 대한 내집단 의식이 강해질수록 외집단에 대한 반감이 더 커지거나 내집단에 대한 애착이 커지면서 정치적 집단 간 갈등이 극화될 수 있다. 이 연구는 일상적으로 소비되고 있는 유튜브 정치 동영상의 선택적 노출과 태도극화 현상을 진단하였고, 사회적 정체성 이론을 근거로 정치적 내집단 의식이 선택적 노출과 태도극화 간 관계를 매개한다는 사실을 밝혔다. 이 연구의 결과는 정치성향에 따라 정치적 내집단 의식의 매개효과가 상이하게 나타날 수 있음을 의미한다.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.310-325
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• 2012

인류는 한 장소를 다른 장소와 구분하기 위해 지명을 사용해왔으며, 지역의 정체성을 잘 나타낼 수 있는 지명이 선택된다는 점에서, 지명은 인간의 집합적인 의식의 산물이다. 또한 지명은 끊임없이 변화하는 역사성을 가지며, 그 변화의 이면에는 사회 집단들의 경쟁과 투쟁 그리고 헤게모니 집단의 정체성을 나타내는 지명을 관철시키기 위한 정치적 의도가 자리하고 있다. 최근의 지리학계의 지명연구는 이러한 정치 사회적 과정에 주목하고 있으며, 본 논문은 이러한 연구경향의 연장선상에서, 1990년대 중반 도농통합적 행정구역 개편 당시 시의 명칭을 둘러싼 논쟁을 정치 지리학적으로 살펴보았다. 통합 당시 시 군 주민들은 지명이 가지는 역사성과 인지도를 내세우며 자신들의 주장을 정당화하였으며, 지역의 경제력이 정치적 자원으로 동원되기도 하였다. 그러나 결과적으로 통합시 명칭의 결정은 주로 인구규모나 기초의회 의원의 숫자 등 정치적 자원의 양으로 결정되었으며, 일부 지역은 시의 명칭을 통합의 협상카드로 사용하기도 하였다. 이는 지명의 결정이 정치적 경합관계의 산물임을 보여주며, 이러한 정치적 논쟁속에서 지명은 시 군의 영역성(territoriality)의 상징이 된다. 시명칭의 결정 이후에도 지명은 지역정치에서 지속적인 논란의 대상이 되며, 이는 향후 행정구역 개편과정에서 갈등을 완화할 수 있는 합리적인 지명 결정의 방법이 고민되어야 한다는 점을 시사한다.

• 수완나부미
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.59-83
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• 2019

The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제19권6호
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• pp.24-32
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• 2019

본 연구는 취재보도 원칙에 대한 인식과 정치성향에 대한 기자와 소속 언론사 간 차이가 기자의 심리적 탈진에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 분석했다. 이를 위해 한국언론진흥재단이 현직 기자 1,677명을 대상으로 실시한 2017 언론인 의식조사 데이터의 2차 자료를 활용했다. 심리적 탈진은 MBI-GS의 세 가지 하위 차원인 냉소주의, 직업효능감 결여, 정서소진으로 구성됐다. 취재보도 원칙에 대한 기자와 소속 언론사 간 인식 차이는 7개의 각 보도 원칙에 대한 기자 개인이 생각하는 중요도와 이에 대한 소속 언론사의 실행 정도 차이를 계산하여 측정했다. 분석 결과, 취재보도 원칙 중 객관성에 대한 기자와 소속 언론사의 인식 차이가 클수록 기자들은 업무 환경에서 냉소주의, 직업효능감 결여, 정서소진 모두에서 심리적 탈진을 겪는 것으로 나타났다. 또한, 기자와 소속 언론사의 정치성향의 차이가 클수록 냉소주의와 정서소진을 더 크게 경험하는 것으로 확인됐다.

• 한국아프리카학회지
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• 제43권
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• pp.3-48
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• 2014

ABAKO(Alliance des Bakongo) of Democratic Republic of Congo is an organization founded by an ethnic group who sought to preserve its language, culture and tradition. It later developed into a political organization and led an independence movement from Belgium. In 1950, Edmond Nzeza-Nlandu founded the ABAKO in Leopoldville (currently known as Kinshasa), the capital of Belgian Congo. ABAKO changed into a political organization, however, when Nzeza-Nlandu stepped down from his position and Joseph Kasa-Vubu was elected instead as the chief of ABAKO in March 21, 1954. The Bakongo nationalism, as a link between the Kongo Kingdom of the past and the Bakongo people of the present, had influence on their cultural identity, attitude towards authority, political orientation, a common ground for geographical boundaries, and provided foundation for group mobilization. Moreover, the Kimbangu Church, founded by Simon Kimbangu had close ties with ABAKO. They struggled to obtain independece from the Belgian colonial rule. In conclusion, the leaders and members of ABAKO regarded the 'ethnic, linguistic and historical' affinities as the identity of their Bakongo nationalist group.

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.1-8
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• 1981

French Revolution, while re-establishing the political and social structure, had also changed the cultural conditions of French life and manners. clothing, as with other features of daily life, had some characteristic changes, which this article tried to specify and related with the social conditions. Those specific changes pointed out as typical and discussed herewith are: 1. Clothing manipulated as a political identity kit. 2. Simplification of colors and forms of men's costume. 3. Tendency toward uniformity. 4. Clothing as the symbol of political utopia. 5. The attraction of military uniform. 6. Moral decadence.