• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.5-29
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• 2002

This study was to analyze the social identity described in the dress of the American novelist Pearl S. Buck's (1892-1973) major works. A novelist pursues varying and refined expressions in an effort to convey to readers the character' identities of his or her own creation. In particular, Pearl S, Buck was a great writer who was awarded the Novel Literature Prize, and since her work The Good Earth recorded a world-wide bestseller, she might well be called a popular novelist. She depicted well her characters' identities from divers viewpoints with her unique delicacy and realistic expressions. For this study, the following seven works which are considered to feature the dresses for character's identity well were selected out of her 85 works: The Good Earth (1931), Sons(1932), The Mother (1934), A Housed Divided (1935), The Hidden Flower (1952), Love and the Morning Calm (1953) and Letter from Peking (1957). For an analytical tool, the content analysis method was used. In order to systematically review the social identity described in the dress individuals' identity were classified into the following categories based on the identity theories: Social identity were divided into ① age identity ② sex, gender identity ③ economic identity ④ occupational identity ⑤ political identity ⑥ religious identity ⑦ kinship identity ⑧ regional identity. The characters' age identity, sex, gender identity, economic identity, occupational identity, political identity, religious identity, kinship identity, regional identity were depicted by their dresses and physical features. All in all, it is hoped that this study would provided important cues to the understanding of the other party's identity through his or her dresses in mutual relationship: It is believed that this study would be useful because they are arranged through the analysis of the dresses featured in the great writer's works using a consistent framework of analysis.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.133-170
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• 2012

This thesis aims to analyze the political, social, and cultural activities of the Acehnese ethnic group living in Jakarta, Indonesia. Based on analysis, this thesis examines how their ethnicity and national identity have been formed and expressed. For this purpose, this study deals with Taman Iskandar Muda (hereinafter referred to as TIM), a group of Acehnese transmigrants living in Jakarta. The immigration of the Acehnese to Jakarta started in the 1950s and the number of Acehnese people living in Jakarta persently amounts to 100,000. TIM, which was organized by the first generational of immigrants, functions to group Acehnese immigrants of various generations and class. Forum Keprihatinan Untuk Aceh(hereinafter referred to as Forka), an organization designed to solve the political problems of TIM, undertook various activities to maintain the peace of Aceh as the representative of TIM. Through those activities, TIM and Forka were able to confirm the feeling of homogeneity among the Acehnese who were living in their hometown and also strengthen their identity within the organizations. However, the fact that TIM and Forka put their focus on humanitarian activities paradoxically shows the political limitations that they sustain. TIM and Forka take care not to make their humanitarian activities seem as if they intend to openly strengthen their Acehnese identity and deny their Indonesian one. These political characteristics of Forka's identity are commonly found in groups that practice long-distance nationalism, as transmigrants in diaspora circumstances do. In the organization of TIM, there exists the menasah, which is a space where discussions of the ethnicity and the nation are practiced. As it is the space for local exchange, menasah reveals the identity of TIM through educational/social activities and public services. Menasah functions as the public arena where people practice ethnic identity on the basis of national integration. As a minority ethnic group living in Jakarta and its neighborhood, they are accustomed to double and selective political activities, social activities, and cultural practices. In order to adapt themselves to the double circumstance that they are faced with, they should live extemporaneously, and this life may be the fate that minority ethnic and transmigrants should endure.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.23-65
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• 2009

This study originates from the examination of both Soviet Russia's and contemporary Russia's tabula rasa that numerous comprehensive national exertions have been trying to overcome, relying on the creation of numerous national emblems, political symbols, and even folkloric materials. With this mind, this work substantiates how the political and cultural symbols have been created in the contemporary socio-political and socio-cultural discourse in Russia. As with the political symbols that most recently been studied by Lee Trepanier, it must be recognized that contemporary social movements and political discourses have failed to "articulate a concrete political vision that reflects a consensus among elites, nor have any gained popular support" as the author confessed already. Concomitant to this general consensus, as Roy Medvedev has put it, we can contend that "today's leaders in Russia have no new ideology, and the mass of the people have no strong new national idea."

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.9-20
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• 2023

In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, the importance of collective efforts in promoting health preventive behaviors is accentuated, bringing sociopolitical factors into focus. To fully capture psychological drivers of health preventive behaviors in risk situations, anchored on the Model of Risk Information Seeking and Processing (RISP; Griffin, Dunwoody, and Neuwirth 1999), in retrospect of the recent COVID-19 pandemic, we explored whether and how individuals' vaccination behaviors are predicted by RISP-related variables (information insufficiency, affective responses, perceived information gathering capacity, subjective norms) and one's political identity. Findings from a survey of 705 adult participants in the U.S. showed that the effects of one's risk information insufficiency on his or her information seeking and affective response regarding the pandemic, which is also related to their risk susceptibility perceptions. More importantly, the impact of political identity on one's perceived risk susceptibility, and its association with vaccination behaviors are also identified. The findings of this study provide valuable insights for the development of effective health communication strategies for preventive health behaviors.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.157-169
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• 2021

YouTube has rapidly grown as a news media outlet. As political content without fact-checking is actively provided and YouTube algorithms are used for content recommendations, users are selectively exposed to certain political ideologies, which could escalate conflicts among political groups. In particular, the stronger the identification of in-group, the greater the antipathy toward outgroup, and the more exposed the content to the parties that support or oppose it, the stronger the identification or the antipathy can be. This study investigated the relationship between selective exposure and political attitude polarization in the context of political video on YouTube. Based on social identity theory, this study also found that political identification mediates the relationship between selective exposure and political attitude polarization.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.310-325
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• 2012

Human being has used place names to differentiate one place from another. Place names are the products of collective human cognition in that a place name is chosen when it successfully represents the identity of a place. In addition, place names have been changed by the competition and struggle between social agencies and the political imperatives of hegemonic groups to impose their identity on the places. Recent geographic studies on place names have focused on the social and political processes behind the change of place names. In this vein, the purpose of this study is investigating the debates on the decision of city names in the process of the administrative reorganization in mid 1990s by the lens of political geography. Residents in cities and counties tried to justify their arguments by emphasizing historical backgrounds and popularity of their names. Additionally, economic power and potential were mobilized for the political resources to win over the battle over city names. The result, however, shows that the decision of newly consolidated cities' name was mainly made by the amount of political resources, such as population and number of seats in local assemblies. Several regions tried to use city names to negotiate with counterparts. In sum, the decision of place names is the product of political competitions, and the place name becomes the symbol of territorial identity. Place names have been in the center of disputes in local politics even after the name was decided, which suggest further studies on reasonable solution to mitigate the disputes to be expected when additional reorganization of administrative districts.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.59-83
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• 2019

The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.24-32
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• 2019

This study examines the extent to which the differences in perceptions regarding principles of journalism and political identity between journalists and their news organizations are related to journalists' psychological burnout. To understand this, this study analyzes the secondary data of the 2017 South Korean journalists' consciousness conducted by the Korean Press Foundation. Psychological burnout consists of three subdimensions of MBI-GS: cynicism, lack of professional efficacy, and exhaustion. The differences in perceptions regarding the principles of journalism between journalists and their affiliated news organizations is measured by the differences in each of the seven reporting principles. This study found that the larger the difference in the perception of objectivity between journalists and their affiliated news organizations, the more likely they were to experience cynicism, lack of professional efficacy, and exhaustion. The greater the difference in political identity between journalists and their own organization, the more likely they were to have greater cynicism and exhaustion.

• Journal of the Korean Association of African Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.3-48
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• 2014

ABAKO(Alliance des Bakongo) of Democratic Republic of Congo is an organization founded by an ethnic group who sought to preserve its language, culture and tradition. It later developed into a political organization and led an independence movement from Belgium. In 1950, Edmond Nzeza-Nlandu founded the ABAKO in Leopoldville (currently known as Kinshasa), the capital of Belgian Congo. ABAKO changed into a political organization, however, when Nzeza-Nlandu stepped down from his position and Joseph Kasa-Vubu was elected instead as the chief of ABAKO in March 21, 1954. The Bakongo nationalism, as a link between the Kongo Kingdom of the past and the Bakongo people of the present, had influence on their cultural identity, attitude towards authority, political orientation, a common ground for geographical boundaries, and provided foundation for group mobilization. Moreover, the Kimbangu Church, founded by Simon Kimbangu had close ties with ABAKO. They struggled to obtain independece from the Belgian colonial rule. In conclusion, the leaders and members of ABAKO regarded the 'ethnic, linguistic and historical' affinities as the identity of their Bakongo nationalist group.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.1-8
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• 1981

French Revolution, while re-establishing the political and social structure, had also changed the cultural conditions of French life and manners. clothing, as with other features of daily life, had some characteristic changes, which this article tried to specify and related with the social conditions. Those specific changes pointed out as typical and discussed herewith are: 1. Clothing manipulated as a political identity kit. 2. Simplification of colors and forms of men's costume. 3. Tendency toward uniformity. 4. Clothing as the symbol of political utopia. 5. The attraction of military uniform. 6. Moral decadence.