• Title/Summary/Keyword: Political Party

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The Digital Politics of Korea and the Realization Condition and Issues of the e-Party (한국의 디지털정치와 전자정당의 실현 조건과 과제)

  • Noh, Kyoo-Sung;Park, Young-Min
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.9-29
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    • 2003
  • The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political discussion and the success conditions on the digital democracy and issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and to propose alternatives for solving these issues. To accomplish this purpose, this paper review actual conditions of the digital politics, analyze on results of e-party driving of Korean parties, review issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and propose alternatives for solving these issues. Proposed conditions on digital politics and e-party development will contribute to the prosperity of the Korean politics. In near future, an empirical study on the standpoints of voters politicians will be followed.

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The Formation and Ratification of ISDS in International FTA and Its Characteristics -with a special emphasis on KORUS FTA, NAFTA & AUSFTA- (국제자유무역협약에서 ISDS의 생성과 비준에 관한 연구 -KORUS FTA, NAFTA 및 AUSFTA를 중심으로-)

  • Hahn, Jae-Phil
    • International Commerce and Information Review
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    • v.14 no.4
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    • pp.409-431
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    • 2012
  • This article deals with the nature of ISDS along with the admissibility thereof, for the settlement of investment disputes between states and nationals of other states. ICSID as an organization of World Bank Group, has been established in 1966 and as of May in 2011, 157 nations ratified its convention. As for the Republic of Korea(ROK) it has been involved in the problematic situation with regard to ISDS of the KORUS FTA in negotiation with the United States. The ruling Grand National Party is pushing the FTA for ratification including ISDS. However, the opposition party, the Unified Democratic Party rejected the ISDS with a view to a toxin infringing on its judiciary sovereignty. The ROK has invested in the US 3.5 times more than the US did in Korea up to now. As a result, it seems that the ROK is more concerned about ISDS than the US is, considering that exhausting local remedy through the US local courts, applying even a municipal ordinance in their decisions which will be unsatisfactory toward the ROK side. The ROK is now struggling with the ISDS as a political issue between the ruling party and the opposition party mostly based on sovereignty with a reference on AUSFTA which excluded the ISDS. Australian model about ISDS has been impacted by the experience from the NAFTA which allowes direct claims against each other(the US against Canada and Canada against the US). It seems not to be much sympathy for developed countries because it has long been held to standards for pressing on developing countries. Australia is also struggling with ISDS from the political point of view likewise the ROK. And the ISDS is destined to the political situations established within the domestic countries among the political parties in relation with the acceptance or rejection of thereof.

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The Strategy of Russia's Political Elites to Maintain Dominance Through the Overhaul of Electoral System (선거제도 개편을 통한 러시아 정치 엘리트의 지배력 유지 전략)

  • Siheon Kim;Seho Jang
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.7-43
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    • 2023
  • This study examines and identified a series of strategies of Russia's political elites to maintain and strengthen their dominance by reviewing the case of revisions in the election laws of Russia in 2014. At that time, a mixed-member electoral system was newly introduced, and on the surface, it seemed that the new system was a step toward meeting the demands of the people for "enhanced democracy". However, in 2016 and 2021, the ruling party of Russia won the general elections by making the most of the factors that could distort the election results inherent in the mixed-member electoral system. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze whether the revision of election laws was a mere vehicle used by the ruling party, United Russia, to maintain its political power, or whether it was a leap forward to achieve democracy. The study result indicate that the revision of election laws in 2014 was part of the policy responses to the internal conflicts in the circle of Russia's political elites, which had been rising since 2008, as well as to the public resistance. In other words, it was confirmed that the revision of election laws was one of the measures taken to "minimize competition" and "reproduce political power on a stable basis".

A Study on The Effects of a Primary on The Party Defection Voting Behavior of Congressmen (의원의 당론이탈 투표에 미치는 경선의 효과: 제20대 국회 본회의 표결을 중심으로)

  • Kim, Hanna
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.69-101
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of this study is to verify that voting behavior of congressmen can vary depending on the different candidate selection methods of political parties. Specifically, this paper examines whether congressmen elected through a primary tend to deviate from the party line vote in the floor voting, compared to those who did not. As a result, it was founded that congressmen who went through competition of the primary are more likely to defect from the party line vote than who did not. This empirical evidence suggests that if the introduction of the open primary system is further expanded in the future, it may lead to weakening of party cohesion and reinforcing lawmakers' autonomy.

Effects of Source Credibility of Political Youtubers on Voters' Attitude toward Contents and Political Decision Making (정치 유튜버의 공신력 속성이 콘텐츠 태도와 유권자의 정치적 의사결정에 미치는 영향)

  • Kim, Hana
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.22 no.10
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    • pp.563-574
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate effects of source credibility of political youtubers on attitude toward contents and politicians/political party and political decision making. The total number of 326 responses from online survey were analyzed. Results indicate that three factors of source credibility, similarity, charisma, and expertise positively affected attitude toward political contents on youtube in statistical significance. Five attributes of source credibility, familiarity, charisma, similarity, attractiveness, and trustworthiness positively affected attitude toward political youtube contents and politicians/political parties. Furthermore, attitude toward contents and politicians/political parties significantly increased voting intention to politicians/political parties.

Railway Governance and Power Structure in China

  • Lee, Jinjing
    • International Journal of Railway
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    • v.1 no.4
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    • pp.129-133
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    • 2008
  • Over the last $15{\sim}20$years, many countries have adopted policies of railway privatization to keep up with increasing competition from road and air transport. Although each country and case has its own history, market characteristics, political context as well as administrative process, railway privatizations (including railway restructure, concession etc.) in the west usually are accompanied with the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Therefore, railway governance has been innovating towards an interaction of government, regulator, industry bodies, user groups, trade unions and other interested groups within the regulatory framework. However, it is not the case in China. Although China had seen a partial privatization in some branch lines and is experiencing a much larger-scale privatization by establishing joint-ventures to build and operate high-speed passenger lines and implementing an asset-based securitization program, administrative control still occupies absolutely dominant position in the railway governance in China. Ministry of Railway (MOR) acts as the administrator, operator as well as regulator. There is no national policy that clearly positions railway in the transportation network and clarifies the role of government in railway development. There is also little participation from interested groups in the railway policy making, pricing, service standard or safety matter. Railway in China is solely governed by the mere executive agency. Efficiency-focused economic perspective explanation is far from satisfaction. A wider research perspective from political and social regime is of great potential to better explain and solve the problem. In the west, separation and constrains of power had long been established as a fundamental rule. In addition to internal separation of political power(legislation, execution and jurisdiction), rise of corporation in the 19th century and association revolution in the 20th century greatly fostered the growth of economic and social power. Therefore, political, social and economic organizations cooperate and compete with each other, which leads to a balanced and resonable power structure. While in China, political power, mainly party-controlled administrative power has been keeping a dominated position since the time of plan economy. Although the economic reform promoted the growth of economic power of enterprises, it is still not strong enough to compete with political power. Furthermore, under rigid political control, social organizations usually are affiliated to government, independent social power is still too weak to function. So, duo to the limited and slow reform in political and social regime in China, there is an unbalanced power structure within which political power is dominant, economic power expanding while social power still absent. Totally different power structure in China determines the fundamental institutional environment of her railway privatization and governance. It is expected that the exploration of who act behind railway governance and their acting strength (a power theory) will present us a better picture of railway governance as a relevant transportation mode. The paper first examines the railway governance in China and preliminarily establishes a linkage between railway governance and its fundamental institutional environment, i.e. power structure in a specific country. Secondly, the reason why there is no national policy in China is explored in the view of political power. In China, legislative power is more symbolic while party-controlled administrative power dominates political process and plays a fundamental role in Chinese railway governance. And then, in the part three railway finance reform is analyzed in the view of economic power, esp. the relationship of political power and economic power.

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How Trust and Distrust in Government Influence Electoral Participation: The Moderating Role of Ideology and Partisan Preferences (정부신뢰와 정부불신, 그리고 투표 참여: 유권자의 이념성향과 정당호감도에 따른 차별적 유인)

  • Gil, Jung-ah
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.103-139
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    • 2019
  • This study aims to verify how trust in government leads voters' electoral participation with paying attention to their political orientations. In particular, this study takes voters' partisan consideration into account to examine different direction of the effect of trust in government on electoral participation depending on their ideology and partisan preferences. Key findings show that governmental trust has a positive influence on electoral participation for voters who have conformable ideological orientations to the incumbent government and positive preferences toward the ruling party. In contrast, distrust in government is more likely to increase the possibility of electoral participation for those who have different ideology from the incumbent, negative attitude toward the ruling party, and partisan preferences of the opposition party. Previous studies on the relationship between governmental trust and electoral participation have been mixed as yet. For the sake of explaining this inconclusiveness, this study focuses on partisan foundation of voters' political decision making. It contributes to our understanding of the political properties of governmental trust and its implications for representative democracy.

Differential Media Effects on Candidates' Image and Correlations Among Media Use, Interpersonal Communication, and Voting Participation (후보자 이미지 형성에 관한 미디어의 차별적 효과와 미디어 이용, 대인커뮤니케이션, 투표참여 간의 상호관계에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Jin-Young
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.32
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    • pp.113-146
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    • 2006
  • This study explored how media and interpersonal communication affected voters in Busan mayoral by-election, focusing on the mutual relations among media use and attentive use of political campaign, interpersonal communication, and voting participation. Also, comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the decision of a candidate were examined. Additionally, it was analysed differential media effects on candidates' image. According to the results, the local media use and attentive use of political campaign had the influence on the increase of interpersonal communication about the election. Voters who had much interpersonal discussion with others participated more than voters who had less interpersonal discussion. Media use did not directly affect the participation of voting, but indirectly contributed to participation of voting through interpersonal discussion. The assumption of differential media effects on candidates image was partly proved. There were statistically significant differences in the factor of competence of candidates' image among three experimental groups (attentive use of TV discussion program, Internet web sites of two candidates, and printing materials of political advertisement). Furthermore, with three main vote variables, issues, candidates image, party identification, the results of comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the choice of a candidate suggested that a sense of oneness with a party was highly related to the choice of the candidates of the party, however, candidates' image was not related to the decision of a candidate. Political party had more impact on for whom to vote than candidates' image in this study.

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Attitudes of Korean People Toward Income Polarization and Their Evaluation of Government Policies (소득양극화에 대한 한국인의 입장과 정부정책에 대한 판단)

  • Kim, DongSu ;Kim, Okhwan ;Jung, Taeyun ;Choi, Young-jin
    • Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.87-108
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    • 2013
  • With questionnaires conducted for 613 adult Koreans in Seoul, the present study examined how their social features (income level, political party identification, political values, values of capitalism and egalitarianism) exercise influence on attitudes toward income polarization and their evaluation of government policies. Two groups of participants (high vs. low) for each social feature were formed first. Then their attitudes toward income polarization (liberal vs. conservative) and evaluations of policies (liberal vs. conservative) exercised by government (Participatory vs. Practical) were compared. Results indicated that liberal value was strengthened by liberal value, anti-capitalistic, and conservative value was strengthened by egalitarian values, and party identification. It was also found that party identification partial effect on the judgment of policies exercised by Participatory Government. These findings were discussed in terms of their implications for Korean society and measures for communication constructive for settlement of income polarization were suggested.

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The Roots and Drivers of the Color-based Polarizations in Thailand

  • Thananithichot, Stithorn
    • Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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    • v.9 no.2
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    • pp.85-106
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    • 2021
  • What is the basis of the political polarization in Thailand? What are the key differences between the opposing camps? This paper aims to answer these questions at the individual level, using a national survey conducted by the authors between July and August 2017. The paper argues that the color-based polarizations in Thailand are significant and deeply rooted in a complicated array of demographic, attitudinal, and political dimensions. That is, despite their relative differences in demographics and socioeconomic status, the Yellow Shirt and Red Shirt supporters differ in party identification and democratic values. This finding indicates that the struggle between the conflicting groups in this country is not just about competing interests, but about the identities and basic values underlying the "rules of the political game."