• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.35-59
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• 2009

This paper presents a formal model of social policy development. The model shows that the development of social policy depends both on the social policy preferences of voters and on the political institution which mediates the preferences of voters. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pairwise vote. But in the representative democracy, political parties design social policy to win the support of a majority of voters. Hence, the political institution like electoral rule may affect social policy outcome. The model presented in this paper contrasts 3 alternative constitutional features and investigates how they affect social policy outcome. In result, this papers emphasizes that policy preferences of voters and political institution may be key variables to explain social policy development and divergence among welfare regimes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.49
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• pp.264-295
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• 2002

This study aims to identify the enactment factors of the National Basic Livelihood Institution in context of policy making process by using Kingdon's policy Stream Model. The findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, an economic crisis has worsened social problems, and the president Kim Dae-jung recognized these problems as serious and worried about social confusion and polarization. Second, NGOs as like People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy put efforts into enacting the Act. Also, the president Kim's government faced a series of political crisis and needed political solution including foundation of a new party, which considered social welfare most important. Third, the PSPD designed the Act. But the alternatives of related government ministries were not selected. In conclusion, the National Basic Livelihood Institution was enacted by the combination of these three factors stream. Especially the political stream was strongest.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.107-121
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to explore the determining factors of foreign direct investment(FDI) of Korea by using institutioanl theory. In addition, this study divides institutional facts into the formal and the informal institutions. The empirical test implements multiful regression analysis focuing on korean electronics and automotive industry. The dependent variables are FDI outflow and the independent ones are corruption, econimic freedom, political risk, human development, and culturan distance. According to the empirical results, corruptin and human development have positive effects on Korean FDI outflow. On the other hand, political risks and economic freedom have negative effects on Korean FDI outflow. This results indicate the importance of forman and informal institutional facotrs as determinants of Korean FDI outflow.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.10
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• pp.57-66
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• 2022

The aim of the article is to investigate socio-political processes in Ukraine on the basis of institutional and behavioral approaches, in particular their regulatory and informational support. Methodology. To determine the nature and content of sociopolitical processes, the following approaches have been used: 1. Institutional approach in order to analyze the development of Ukraine's political institutions. 2. The behavioral approach has been used for the analysis of socio-political processes in Ukraine in the context of political behavior of citizens, their political activity which forms the political culture of the country. Results. The general features of the socio-political situation in Ukraine are as follows: the formed model of government, which can be conditionally described as "presidential"; public demand for new leaders remains at a high level; the society has no common vision of further development; significant tendency of reduction of real incomes of a significant part of the society and strengthening of fiscal pressure on businessmen will get a public response after some time. Increasing levels of voice, accountability, efficiency of governance and the quality of the regulatory environment indicate a slow change in the political system, which will have a positive impact on public sentiment in the future. At the same time, there has been little change in the quality of Ukraine's institutions to ensure political stability, the rule of law and control of corruption. There are no cardinal changes in the development of the institution of property rights, protection of intellectual rights, changes in the sphere of ethics and control of corruption. Thus, Ukraine's political institutions have not been able to bring about any change in the social-political processes. Accordingly, an average level of trust and confidence of citizens in political institutions and negative public sentiment regarding their perception and future change can be traced in Ukraine.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.1 no.2 s.2
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• pp.52-67
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• 1992

In Cho-Sun Dynasty, since Czhu-Ja Ga Rae be introduced in late Korea dynasty, many kinds of $Y\^{a}e\;Se\^{o}$ by a personal or national edition had been published, based on supports of the political ideology. Especially, in the age of governing by $'Y^{a}e'$ in 16 17c, after completion of publishing $'Oh\;R^{a}e\;Yi(1474),'$ 'Geong Guk Dae Jeon (1469)' in late 15c, norm of $'Ga\;R^{a}e'$ has prevailing and the quantity of publishment of it is more growing. Generally, the contents of these kinds of $Y^{a}e\;Se^{o}$ is intended to interprete the czhu-Ja $'Ga\;R^{a}e'$. and furthermore, some kinds of it, descripted directly architectural institutions as a part of $Y^{a}e\;J^{a}e$ through architectural drawings, with quatating chinese scholar's theory. It can be said that architectural institution on $Y^{a}e\;S^{e}o$ may be a kind of political institution as a tool for execution of a ideal ideology in Confucianism. In this Context, it can be concluded that the governing-class in Cho-Sun Dynasty refered to the architectural institution on $Y^{a}e Se^{o}$ as a ideal norm and, in constructing or organizing buildings, it was taken in account as a 'frame of reference'. The Locus of this study is on architectural drawings on $Y^{a}e\;Se^{o}$, for certifying interrelationship the institution which is executed in the drawings and the architectural characteristics of construction and organization in Cho-Sun Dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.

• World Technopolis Review
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.46-61
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• 2015

There is an implicit assumption in most regional innovation policy studies that once a policy has been made the policy will be implemented. This assumption is not valid for regional innovation policies formulated in many countries. This assumption rests upon certain political and organization conditions. It is frequently said that regional innovation system in Korea is one of the successful cases because of properly established institution for the implementation of innovation policies. The components of institution for innovation are defined in this article. For the analysis of institution for regional innovation system in Korea, three aspects such as organization, policies & programs, and governance structure were taken into account. Institution for regional innovation system in Korea is analyzed with three aspects: (1) organization for policy implementation, (2) innovation policy, and (3) governance structure. Firstly, organizations for innovation in Korea are composed of three categories such as organizations for policy formulation, organizations for policy implementation and agencies for coordination. Secondly, there are two categories of policies for innovation: (1) policies for the enhancement of national competitiveness and policies for the regional innovation capacity building, and (2) policies for fostering manpower and policy for regulatory reform. Thirdly, innovation governance in Korea is composed of three layer structure: (1) top level governance which is composed of two committee, three ministries and two agencies, (2) local level governance such as one innovation related offices and one center for regulatory reform, and (3) one category of agency for coordination as a regional platform.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.73-80
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• 2020

Tax is the main revenue of Government, so fighting tax evasion and sustainable growth have been the primary macroeconomic goals being pursued by every developing country, Vietnam included. The existence and development of the shadow economic sector are synonymous with the national budget losing out. In Vietnam, foreign direct investment projects do not promote economic growth and is also a sector that gives way to tax evasion.The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of foreign direct investment, the quality of the informal institution on the size of the shadow economy in Vietnam, during the period 1991-2015. By applying the Autoregressive Distributed Lag approach and Toda and Yamamoto test, we found evidence to conclude that the quality of the informal institution harms the size of the shadow economy. The results of the causality test show that there is a unidirectional causality running from the shadow economy and the quality of the informal institution to foreign direct investment attraction in Vietnam. Political solutions need to be implemented carefully to counter the harmful effects of the shadow economy. Policymakers should adopt several economic policies to improve the 'human capital' and drive the shadow economy into the formal economy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.119-143
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• 2009

Public disapproval of National Assembly is resulted not only from the structural peculiarity of its decision-making process, but from the gap between public expectation of the National Assembly and its performance. While Korean electorate, being interested in politics with relatively high level of political efficacy, hold higher expectation from politics, the National Assembly fails to satisfy public expectation. In particular, irresponsible behaviors of representatives and the crippled operation of the National assembly are responsible for the low level of public trust to it. Institutional reform and individual efforts of representatives are necessary to promote public trust toward the National Assembly.