• 한국사회복지학
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• 제61권4호
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• pp.35-59
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• 2009

이 연구는 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호와 그러한 선호 표출의 제도적 장치인 정치제도에 따라 사회정책이 결정됨을 이론모형으로 제시하려 했다. 우선, 직접 민주주의 정치체제에서는 중위투표자의 사회정책 선호가 집합적 선택의 결과가 된다. 따라서 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호가 사회정책의 결정을 설명하는 핵심적 변수이다. 하지만 현실에서 사회정책의 결정은 직접 민주주의 방식으로 이루어지지 않는다. 이 연구에서는 사회정책에 대한 집합적 선택의 기제인 정치제도를 선거경쟁의 제도화 여부와 선거규칙의 특성에 따라 세 가지로 유형화하였다. 그를 통해 사회성원들의 선호가 동일하다고 할지라도 사회정책에 대한 집합적 선택의 기제인 정치제도에 따라 집합적으로 결정되는 사회정책의 수준은 상이하다는 점을 보이고자 했다. 결론적으로 이 글에서 제시한 이론모형은 현실에 존재하는 다양한 복지체제들이 사회성원들의 선호를 제약하는 제도적 조건들, 그에 따라 나타나는 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호, 그리고 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호를 집합적으로 모으는 정치제도의 차이에 의해 만들어진다는 점을 강조한다.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제49권
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• pp.264-295
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• 2002

This study aims to identify the enactment factors of the National Basic Livelihood Institution in context of policy making process by using Kingdon's policy Stream Model. The findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, an economic crisis has worsened social problems, and the president Kim Dae-jung recognized these problems as serious and worried about social confusion and polarization. Second, NGOs as like People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy put efforts into enacting the Act. Also, the president Kim's government faced a series of political crisis and needed political solution including foundation of a new party, which considered social welfare most important. Third, the PSPD designed the Act. But the alternatives of related government ministries were not selected. In conclusion, the National Basic Livelihood Institution was enacted by the combination of these three factors stream. Especially the political stream was strongest.

• 아태비즈니스연구
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.107-121
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to explore the determining factors of foreign direct investment(FDI) of Korea by using institutioanl theory. In addition, this study divides institutional facts into the formal and the informal institutions. The empirical test implements multiful regression analysis focuing on korean electronics and automotive industry. The dependent variables are FDI outflow and the independent ones are corruption, econimic freedom, political risk, human development, and culturan distance. According to the empirical results, corruptin and human development have positive effects on Korean FDI outflow. On the other hand, political risks and economic freedom have negative effects on Korean FDI outflow. This results indicate the importance of forman and informal institutional facotrs as determinants of Korean FDI outflow.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제22권10호
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• pp.57-66
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• 2022

The aim of the article is to investigate socio-political processes in Ukraine on the basis of institutional and behavioral approaches, in particular their regulatory and informational support. Methodology. To determine the nature and content of sociopolitical processes, the following approaches have been used: 1. Institutional approach in order to analyze the development of Ukraine's political institutions. 2. The behavioral approach has been used for the analysis of socio-political processes in Ukraine in the context of political behavior of citizens, their political activity which forms the political culture of the country. Results. The general features of the socio-political situation in Ukraine are as follows: the formed model of government, which can be conditionally described as "presidential"; public demand for new leaders remains at a high level; the society has no common vision of further development; significant tendency of reduction of real incomes of a significant part of the society and strengthening of fiscal pressure on businessmen will get a public response after some time. Increasing levels of voice, accountability, efficiency of governance and the quality of the regulatory environment indicate a slow change in the political system, which will have a positive impact on public sentiment in the future. At the same time, there has been little change in the quality of Ukraine's institutions to ensure political stability, the rule of law and control of corruption. There are no cardinal changes in the development of the institution of property rights, protection of intellectual rights, changes in the sphere of ethics and control of corruption. Thus, Ukraine's political institutions have not been able to bring about any change in the social-political processes. Accordingly, an average level of trust and confidence of citizens in political institutions and negative public sentiment regarding their perception and future change can be traced in Ukraine.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.52-67
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• 1992

In Cho-Sun Dynasty, since Czhu-Ja Ga Rae be introduced in late Korea dynasty, many kinds of $Y\^{a}e\;Se\^{o}$ by a personal or national edition had been published, based on supports of the political ideology. Especially, in the age of governing by $'Y^{a}e'$ in 16 17c, after completion of publishing $'Oh\;R^{a}e\;Yi(1474),'$ 'Geong Guk Dae Jeon (1469)' in late 15c, norm of $'Ga\;R^{a}e'$ has prevailing and the quantity of publishment of it is more growing. Generally, the contents of these kinds of $Y^{a}e\;Se^{o}$ is intended to interprete the czhu-Ja $'Ga\;R^{a}e'$. and furthermore, some kinds of it, descripted directly architectural institutions as a part of $Y^{a}e\;J^{a}e$ through architectural drawings, with quatating chinese scholar's theory. It can be said that architectural institution on $Y^{a}e\;S^{e}o$ may be a kind of political institution as a tool for execution of a ideal ideology in Confucianism. In this Context, it can be concluded that the governing-class in Cho-Sun Dynasty refered to the architectural institution on $Y^{a}e Se^{o}$ as a ideal norm and, in constructing or organizing buildings, it was taken in account as a 'frame of reference'. The Locus of this study is on architectural drawings on $Y^{a}e\;Se^{o}$, for certifying interrelationship the institution which is executed in the drawings and the architectural characteristics of construction and organization in Cho-Sun Dynasty.

• 한국연극학
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• 제52호
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• 한국인구학
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• 제25권1호
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

독일의 가족정책은 집권당이 교체될 때마다 그 당의 정치이념에 따라 정책의 방향과 정책전개수단에 있어서 뚜렷한 변화를 보이면서 발전해 왔고, 각 정당이 추구하는 정책이념은 '가족부(Bundesministerium fuel Familie, Senioren Frauen, Jugend)'라는 가족전담행정부서를 통해 실현되어 왔다. 그러나 정권의 변화로 인한 연방정부의 가족정책의 변화는 당연히 가족부의 집행업무와 정책전개수단에도 지대한 영향을 미쳤고. 가족부의 명칭은 이를 반영하여 여러 번에 걸쳐 교체되어 왔다 이 과정에서 가족부의 정책업무와 구체적인 사업들은 '가족' 또는 '여성과 아동'이라는 정책의 대상집단에 대한 집권당의 이념을 대변하는 도구로 활용되어 왔고. 이는 정책의 목표가 핵가족의 복지향상이 되어야 할 것인지 아니면 개별 가족구성원의 복지에 우위를 두어야 할 것인지에 대한 선택의 문제로 귀결되어 왔다. 이러한 독일 가족정책의 이념적 변천은 아직 가족정책에 대한 방향이 올바르게 설정되어 인지 못하고 정책의 스팩트럼은 잔여적 복지에 머물러 있으며, 정당별 가족정책과 가족전담 중앙행정부서가 존재하지 않는 우리나라의 가족 복지정책에 시사하는 바가 크다

• World Technopolis Review
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.46-61
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• 2015

There is an implicit assumption in most regional innovation policy studies that once a policy has been made the policy will be implemented. This assumption is not valid for regional innovation policies formulated in many countries. This assumption rests upon certain political and organization conditions. It is frequently said that regional innovation system in Korea is one of the successful cases because of properly established institution for the implementation of innovation policies. The components of institution for innovation are defined in this article. For the analysis of institution for regional innovation system in Korea, three aspects such as organization, policies & programs, and governance structure were taken into account. Institution for regional innovation system in Korea is analyzed with three aspects: (1) organization for policy implementation, (2) innovation policy, and (3) governance structure. Firstly, organizations for innovation in Korea are composed of three categories such as organizations for policy formulation, organizations for policy implementation and agencies for coordination. Secondly, there are two categories of policies for innovation: (1) policies for the enhancement of national competitiveness and policies for the regional innovation capacity building, and (2) policies for fostering manpower and policy for regulatory reform. Thirdly, innovation governance in Korea is composed of three layer structure: (1) top level governance which is composed of two committee, three ministries and two agencies, (2) local level governance such as one innovation related offices and one center for regulatory reform, and (3) one category of agency for coordination as a regional platform.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제7권5호
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• pp.73-80
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• 2020

Tax is the main revenue of Government, so fighting tax evasion and sustainable growth have been the primary macroeconomic goals being pursued by every developing country, Vietnam included. The existence and development of the shadow economic sector are synonymous with the national budget losing out. In Vietnam, foreign direct investment projects do not promote economic growth and is also a sector that gives way to tax evasion.The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of foreign direct investment, the quality of the informal institution on the size of the shadow economy in Vietnam, during the period 1991-2015. By applying the Autoregressive Distributed Lag approach and Toda and Yamamoto test, we found evidence to conclude that the quality of the informal institution harms the size of the shadow economy. The results of the causality test show that there is a unidirectional causality running from the shadow economy and the quality of the informal institution to foreign direct investment attraction in Vietnam. Political solutions need to be implemented carefully to counter the harmful effects of the shadow economy. Policymakers should adopt several economic policies to improve the 'human capital' and drive the shadow economy into the formal economy.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.119-143
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• 2009

한국 국회에 대한 낮은 국민신뢰도는 대화와 타협을 중시하는 의회의 구조적 특성에 기인한 독특한 의사결정과정에 일정부분 기인하고 있다는 점은 부인하기 어렵다. 그러나 이보다 더 중요한 요인은 한국의 유권자들이 전반적인 정치상황에 대해 부정적인 인식을 갖고 있고, 높은 정치적 효능감과 정치적 관심에 따른 기대수준을 한국의 국회가 제대로 충족시키지 못하고 있다는 점이다. 특히, 다른 민주주의 국가들과 비교해서 한국 유권자들이 보이는 높은 정치적 효능감과 정치적 관심은 의회와 민주주의에 대해 매우 긍정적인 평가로 연결되며, 이는 현실 정치체제에 대한 높은 기대치로 이어지고 있다. 문제는 높은 정치적 기대치가 현실의 상황에서 충족되지 못할 때 역시 높은 실망감으로 이어지기 쉽다는 점이며, 한국 국회에서 빈번히 관찰되는 파행적인 모습들이 국민들의 국회에 대한 실망감을 낳게 하는 요인이 되고 국회에 대한 낮은 국민신뢰도도 이의 연장선상에서 이해될 수 있다.