• Title/Summary/Keyword: Political Influence

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Russia's Eurasian strategy and Korea-Russia Cooperation - With reference to the economic cooperation of the inter-local governments - (러시아의 유라시아 전략과 한·러 협력 - 지방자치단체 간 경제협력을 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Sangnam
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.5-28
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    • 2019
  • This study suggests that Korea - Russia economic cooperation, which has been sluggish in the meantime, should be revitalized as a small, medium sized business that can be practiced at the local level of both countries. Some large scales of national projects were difficult to realize due to some internal and external factors. Therefore, if Russia's Far East region of the complementary economic structure with the Korea's Gyeonggi Province of Korea could form the basis of cooperation by centering on SMEs, it further can be positive for promoting cooperation among South Korea, North Korea and Russia. The trilateral cooperation among two Koreas and Russia is necessary for the balance of political and economic powers in the East Asia. China's retaliation case regarding THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) clearly showed that the greater the economic dependence on a particular country, the more threatening it could be. Therefore, it is important for the political and economic security to keep the balance by diversifying economic cooperation counterparts. As China's influence in the global economy grows, building value chains for mutual prosperity with various neighboring countries is gaining great importance. To this end, this paper examined Russia's Eurasian Strategy, New East Policy, and Far East Development Policy which were designed to seek the way to establish Russia's independent economic zone not absorbed by Europe and China.

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Being True to Oneself: Sewol Ferry Disaster and Homeland Politics of Korean Immigrants in Britain

  • Shin, Mijoo;Han, Heejin
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.33-57
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    • 2019
  • After the tragic incident of the sinking of Sewol in spring 2014, Korean migrants in Britain began to hold street protests in London. These protestors condemned the Korean government for the lack of appropriate responses to the accident, and for its failure to conduct proper investigation on the issue. The small group of protestors held silent street protests every month at Trafalgar Square, despite not gaining much media coverage nor public attention. These migrants' almost three-year long protest outside their homeland is puzzling. Not only did they live in Britain for a long time to the extent that they regard the country as their second home, but they also exert scant amount of influence on the political landscape in South Korea. What can then account for these individuals' participation in activism related to their homeland politics? In this paper, we utilize the concept of 'moral identity' to explain the behaviors of Korean migrants involved in the street protests. These migrants had strong 'moral identity', which triggered a sense of responsibility to act when their cherished moral values were jeopardized. Korean migrants who possessed a strong sense of moral identity placed huge importance on living in accordance with their moral values. It is a way of upholding their self-esteem and sustaining their ideal self.

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The Belt Road Initiatives, Identity Politics, and The Making of Southeast Asian Identity

  • Pamungkas, Cahyo;Hakam, Saiful
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.11 no.2
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    • pp.59-83
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    • 2019
  • The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

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The Influence of the Tools of Liberalism and the Clash of Civilizations on Arabs' Perceptions of the United States of America

  • Ali A Dashti;Ali Al-Kandari;Ahmed R. Alsaber;Ahmad Al-Shallal
    • Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.327-357
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    • 2023
  • Adopting the Tools of Liberalism and Clash of Civilizations theories of international relations, this study examines the perceptions of 25,406 Arabs in 11 Arab countries as expressed in an Arab Barometer survey exploring their perceptions of violence against the United States (US), American citizens as "good," President Donald Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East, increasing economic relations with the US, and welcoming American foreign aid. As aspects of the Clash of Civilizations theory, this study examines religiosity, religious ritual practices, and political Islam and, as aspects of liberalism, this study explores the roles of online media as well as perceptions about US foreign aid in the prediction of the criterion variables. The findings suggest that religious indicators, and aspects of the Clash of Civilizations generally, were negative predictors of the perceptions, while social media and motivations for US foreign aid as aspects of liberalism, positively predicted the perceptions. The study discusses the results in relation to implications for policy makers.

Study of Chinese Propaganda Paintings from 1949 to 1966: Focusing on Oil Paintings and Posters (1949년~1966년 시기 중국 선전화 연구 - 유화와 포스터를 중심으로)

  • Jeon, Heui-Weon
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.4
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    • pp.77-104
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    • 2006
  • The propaganda paintings in oil colors or in forms of posters made from 1949 to 1966 have gone through some changes experiencing the influence of the Soviet Union Art and discussion of nationalization, while putting political messages of the time in the picture planes. The propaganda paintings which have been through this process became an effective means of encouraging the illiterate people in political ideologies, production, and learning. Alike other propaganda paintings in different mediums, the ones which were painted in oil colors and in the form of posters have been produced fundamentally based on Mao Zedong's intensification of the literary art on the talks on literature at Yenan. Yet, the oil paintings and posters were greatly influenced by the socialist realism and propaganda paintings of the Soviet Union, compared to other propaganda paintings in different mediums. Accordingly, they were preponderantly dealt in the discussions of nationalization of the late '50s. To devide in periods, the establishment of People's Republic of China in 1949 as a diverging point, the propaganda paintings made before and after 1949 have differences in subject matters and styles. In the former period, propaganda paintings focused on the political lines of the Communists and enlightenment of the people, but in the latter period, the period of Cultural Revolution, the most important theme was worshiping Mao Zedong. This was caused by reflection of the social atmosphere, and it is shown that the propaganda painters had reacted sensitively to the alteration of politics and the society. On the side of formalities, the oil paintings and posters made before the Cultural Revolution were under a state of unfolding several discussions including nationalization while accepting the Soviet Union styles and contents, and the paintings made afterwards show more of unique characteristics of China. In 1956, the discussion about nationalization which had effected the whole world of art, had strongly influenced the propaganda paintings in oil colors more than anything. There were two major changes in the process of making propaganda paintings in oil colors. One was to portray lives of the Chinese people truthfully, and the other was to absorb the Chinese traditional styles of expression. After this period, the oil painters usually kept these rules in creating their works, and as a result, the subject matters, characters, and backgrounds have been greatly Sinicized. For techniques came the flat colored surface of the new year prints and the traditional Chinese technique of outlining were used for expressing human figures. While the propaganda paintings in oil colors achieved high quality and depth, the posters had a very direct representation of subject matters and the techniques were unskilled compared to the oil paintings. However, after the establishment of People's Republic of China, the posters were used more than any other mediums for propagation of national policy and participation of the political movements, because it was highly effective in delivering the policies and political lines clearly to the Chinese people who were mostly illiterate. The poster painters borrowed techniques and styles from the Soviet Union through books and exhibitions on Soviet Union posters, and this relation of influences constantly appears in the posters made at the time. In this way, like the oil paintings, the posters which have been made with a direct influence of the Soviet Union had developed a new, sinicised process during the course of nationalization. The propaganda paintings in oil colors or in forms of posters, which had undergone the discussion of nationalization, had put roots deep down in the lives of the Chinese people, and this had become another foundation for the amplification of influences of political propaganda paintings in the following period of Cultural Revolution.

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The possibility of South Korea to become a member state of APSCO: an analysis from Legal and political perspectives (韓國加入亞太空間合作組織的可能性 : 基于法律与政策的分析)

  • Nie, Mingyan
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.31 no.2
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    • pp.237-269
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    • 2016
  • Asia-Pacific Space Cooperation Organization (APSCO) is the only intergovernmental space cooperation organization in Asia. Since its establishment to date, eight countries have signed the convention and become member states. South Korea participated actively in the preparatory phase of creating the organization, and one conference organized by AP-MCSTA which is the predecessor of APSCO was held in South Korea. However, after the APSCO Convention was opened for signature in 2005 to date, South Korea does not ratify the Convention and become a member. The rapid development of space commercialization and privatization, as well as the fastest growing commercial space market in Asia, provides opportunities for Asian countries to cooperate with each other in relevant space fields. And to participate in the existing cooperation framework (e.g., the APSCO) by the Asian space countries (e.g., South Korea) could be a proper choice. Even if the essential cooperation in particular space fields is challenging, joint space programs among different Asian countries for dealing with the common events can be initiated at the first steps. Since APSCO has learned the successful legal arrangements from ESA, the legal measures established by its Convention are believed to be qualified to ensure the achievement of benefits of different member states. For example, the regulation of the "fair return" principle confirms that the return of interests from the relevant programs is in proportion to the member's investment in the programs. Moreover, the distinguish of basic and optional activities intends to authorize the freedom of the members to choose programs to participate. And for the voting procedure, the acceptance of the "consensus" by the Council is in favor of protecting the member's interest when making decisions. However, political factors that are potential to block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are difficult to be ignored. A recent event is an announcement of deploying THAAD by South Korea, which causes tension between South Korea and China. The cooperation between these two states in space activities will be influenced. A long-standing barrier is that China acts as a non-member of the main international export control mechanism, i.e., the MTCR. The U.S takes this fact as the main reason to prevent South Korea to cooperate with China in developing space programs. Although the political factors that will block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are not easy to removed shortly, legal measures can be taken to reduce the political influence. More specifically, APSCO is recommended to ensure the achievement of commercial interests of different cooperation programs by regulating precisely the implementation of the "fair return" principle. Furthermore, APSCO is also suggested to contribute to managing the common regional events by sharing satellite data. And it is anticipated that these measures can effectively response the requirements of the rapid development of space commercialization and the increasing common needs of Asia, thereby to provide a platform for the further cooperation. In addition, in order to directly reduce the political influence, two legal measures are necessary to be taken: Firstly, to clarify the rights and responsibilities of the host state (i.e., China) as providing assistance, coordination and services to the management of the Organization to release the worries of the other member states that the host state will control the Organization's activities. And secondly, to illustrate that the cooperation in APSCO is for the non-military purpose (a narrow sense of "peaceful purpose") to reduce the political concerns. Regional cooperation in Asia regarding space affairs is considered to be a general trend in the future, so if the participation of South Korea in APSCO can be finally proved to be feasible, there will be an opportunity to discuss the creation of a comprehensive institutionalized framework for space cooperation in Asia.

Medico-Hygienical Situation of District Yanbian during $1860{\sim}1945$ and Development of Chao medicine (근(近).현대(現代)(1860년대(年代)-1945년(年)) 연변(延邊)의 의료위생환경(醫療衛生環境)과 '조의학(朝醫學)')

  • Lee, Min-Ho;Ha, Jeong-Young;Ahn, Sang-Young;Kwon, Oh-Min;Ahn, Sang-Woo
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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    • v.14 no.3
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    • pp.1-10
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    • 2008
  • This paper treats with transitional development of medico-hygienical situation in district Yanbian along with the evolution in specific field of medicine. This work is particularly important in shaping TKM identity as TCM embraces Chao medicine asserting it as one included in TCM. This research deals with themes of migration of Chao minorities to this territory and their medico-hygienical situation. Lifted bans on immigration in late Qing dynasty with uncertainty of Korea(Chosun) triggered the immigration to this district. The flow was heavily strengthened under the influence of Westerners and Japanese imperialism into china which consequently provoked the ruin of Qing dynasty, the civil war between republicans and communist and the socio-political changes in Korea. As population growths, the establishment of hospitals and immigration of healthcare professionals were also increased. Though this district is located in Chinese mainland the influence of Japanese was also relevant which lead to medical practice reflection both sides. Mutual combination and influence of western(contemporary) medicine, TCM and TKM practices made the particularity of chao medicine.

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A Study on the Use of the Medicinal Tea in Chosun Dynasty (조선(朝鮮)의 왕실(王室) 차처방(茶處方)(다음(茶飮))의 운용(運用) - 승정원일기(承政院日記)의 내용을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Jong-Oh;Oh, Jun-Ho;Kim, Nam-Il
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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    • v.15 no.3
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    • pp.11-17
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    • 2009
  • This paper treats with transitional development of medico-hygienical situation in district Yanbian along with the evolution in specific field of medicine. This work is particularly important in shaping TKM identity as TCM embraces Chao medicine asserting it as one included in TCM. This research deals with themes of migration of Chao minorities to this territory and their medico-hygienical situation. Lifted bans on immigration in late Qing dynasty with uncertainty of Korea(Chosun) triggered the immigration to this district. The flow was heavily strengthened under the influence of Westerners and Japanese imperialism into china which consequently provoked the ruin of Qing dynasty, the civil war between republicans and communist and the socio-political changes in Korea. As population growths, the establishment of hospitals and immigration of healthcare professionals were also increased. Though this district is located in Chinese mainland the influence of Japanese was also relevant which lead to medical practice reflecting both sides. Mutual combination and influence of western(contemporary) medicine, TCM and TKM practices made the particularity of Chao medicine.

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Social Media Analysis Based on Keyword Related to Educational Policy Using Topic Modeling (토픽모델링을 이용한 교육정책 키워드 기반 소셜미디어 분석)

  • Chung, Jin-myeong;Park, Young-ho;Kim, Woo-ju
    • Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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    • v.19 no.4
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    • pp.53-63
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    • 2018
  • The traditional mass media function of conveying information and forming public opinion has rapidly changed into an environment in which information and opinions are shared through social media with the development of ICT technology, and such social media further strengthens its influence. In other words, it has been confirmed that the influence of the public opinion through the production and sharing of public opinion on political, social and economic changes is increasing, and this change is already in use on the political campaign. In addition, efforts to grasp and reflect the opinions of the public by utilizing social media are being actively carried out not only in the political area but also in the public area. The purpose of this study is to explore the possibility of using social media based public opinion in educational policy. We collected media data, analyzed the main topic and probability of occurrence of each topic, and topic trends. As a result, we were able to catch the main interest of the public(the 'Domestic Computer Education Time' accounted for 43.99%, and 'Prime Project Selection' topics was 36.81% and 'Artificial Intelligence Program' topics was 7.94%). In addition, we could get a suggestion that flexible policies should be established according to the timing of the curriculum and the subject of the policy even if the category of the policy is same.

How Partisan Voters Dispense Reward and Punishment for Government Performance: The Influence of Partisan Blame Attribution on Trust in Government (당파적 유권자는 정부의 국정 운영에 대해 어떻게 문책하는가?: 정부의 국정 운영 평가와 정부 신뢰, 그리고 당파적 책임 귀속)

  • Sung, Yaejin;Gil, Jung-ah
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.79-115
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    • 2021
  • Voters' negative evaluations of government performance lower their trust in government, which functions as the reward and punishment for the government. Trust in government thus serves to promote political accountability of the representative government. However, voters build their confidence toward the party government where the ruling party is responsible for the performance. Considering this partisan nature, we empirically examine that the influence of voters' performance evaluations on governmental trust is conditional on their party identifications. While higher perceptions of political/social conflict and increasing negative evaluations of government policies and economic performance are associated with the lower level of confidence in government, the relationship is contrasted between different party identifiers. For supporters of the ruling party in 2020, the negative evaluations of government performance are not likely to reduce trust in government a lot. On the contrary, those who identify with the main opposition party show the most prominent effect of negative evaluations on their distrust in government. This study demonstrates that trust in government is affected by voters' partisan preferences, not entirely by evaluations of government performance. Such a distortion of the reward and sanction function of governmental trust might lead to the weakening of the accountability mechanism in representative democracy.