• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.157-169
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• 2021

YouTube has rapidly grown as a news media outlet. As political content without fact-checking is actively provided and YouTube algorithms are used for content recommendations, users are selectively exposed to certain political ideologies, which could escalate conflicts among political groups. In particular, the stronger the identification of in-group, the greater the antipathy toward outgroup, and the more exposed the content to the parties that support or oppose it, the stronger the identification or the antipathy can be. This study investigated the relationship between selective exposure and political attitude polarization in the context of political video on YouTube. Based on social identity theory, this study also found that political identification mediates the relationship between selective exposure and political attitude polarization.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.73
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• pp.7-34
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• 2015

This study attends to the effects of political entertainment as a newly emerging television genre on citizens' political talk. Particularly, this study suggests audience involvement and political information efficacy as key psychological factors that mediate the relationship between political entertainment and political discussion. More specifically, audience involvement was deemed as a conclusive concept that consists of such sub-dimensions as audience identification and parasocial interaction with program characters and transportation into the messages. Among 317 participants in an online survey, a total of 273 subjects, who had at least some viewing experience with political entertainment TV programs, were included in the final analysis. According to the findings, softer programs that piggyback political information on top of their entertainment content were more likely to increase viewers' identification and transportation. The viewer experience of identification further heightened the level of political information efficacy, which in turn positively contributed to one's willingness to participate in political talk and to hear the other side. It also appeared that political information efficacy significantly mediated the relationship between political entertainment viewing and political talk.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.381-395
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• 2007

After the democratization process since 1988, the national scale voting behavior in congressional elections has changed from a rural-government party and urban-opposite party connection to a political regionalism oriented pattern. In this context, the case study with provincial border regions aims to investigate possible party identification change of the region, and to find a relationship between polling score ratio and socio-political characteristics of the candidates. As a result, Yeongdong shows a strong negation to the presumed Chungcheong local party and shows a continuous party identification with the Kyungsang local party. Muju reveals a more or less weakened identification with the Jeolla local party, on the contrary, Kimcheon shows a unchanged strong identification with the Kyungsang local party. The regional neighborhood effect was verified quite partly between the subdivision districts of the border regions. With a application of linear fitting method, it is certified that voters have attached great importance to the belonging party, native place, as well as political career of the candidates as a voting criterion.

• Journal of Research and Publication Ethics
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.11-13
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• 2020

Purpose: The author wants to specify scope of research, identify without giving burden, prevent unfair identification of the author, admit of production of the outcome, enact rules of identification, and build up foundation of development. Also, this study defines scope of publication of outcome of research to prevent unfair identification of authors and admit of them. Research design, data and methodology: The study described literary research, standard research, phenomenon research, and empirical result without methodologies, statistical analysis and scientific test and investigated operation system of KODISA cases. Results: At publication of findings of the research, researchers shall identify the ones of production of the finding to allocate help of the research. Conclusions: Scientific journals shall be controlled to develop ability and to grow up and have a system. Researchers shall give direction of other scientific journals. The study made efforts to be a model. KODISA Edition Team shall make an effort to keep and develop. So far, no regulation of identification of authors has produced disturbance so terminologies should be uniformed. Researchers shall keep rules of identification of authors to uniform and regulate identification of authors, conditions of authors, and order and correspondent authors. KODISA enacted rules of identification of authors for the first time in Korea to develop science.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.441-458
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• 2009

The Imperial Road is Jean Rhys s unfinished manuscript, rejected by publishers for its openly racist tone. Although it describes Rhys s actual visit to Dominica in 1936, it is not a transparent recollection of the travel but a recreation informed by racial dynamics of the 1970s when she wrote the text. This paper examines the manuscript as a troubled (and troubling) response to what Rhys perceived as racial rejection from Dominica at the wake of political independence. Rhys s representation of white Creole womanhood significantly depends on an interwoven configuration of racial dynamics and sexual politics, where an oppressive white European man facilitates a white Creole woman s cross-racial identification with Afro-Caribbeans. However, the political and literary landscape of the West Indies in the 1970s made such cross-racial identification untenable. As a result, The Imperial Road is full of disturbing racial hatred, prejudice, and resentment. And yet, it also reflects Rhys s honest and serious concern over a white Creole s racial identity in postcolonial Dominica, raising a difficult question: How would a postcolonial age change a white Creole identity that belongs neither to the colonized nor to the colonizer (or both)? In The Imperial Road, unable to identify with Afro-Caribbeans, the white Creole is disoriented in time and space, lost at home, stuck between the past and the present, not knowing how to participate in a postcolonial homeland. Through the narrator s racial disorientation, The Imperial Road exposes the white Creole s fundamental dependence on other Creoles.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.85-106
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• 2021

What is the basis of the political polarization in Thailand? What are the key differences between the opposing camps? This paper aims to answer these questions at the individual level, using a national survey conducted by the authors between July and August 2017. The paper argues that the color-based polarizations in Thailand are significant and deeply rooted in a complicated array of demographic, attitudinal, and political dimensions. That is, despite their relative differences in demographics and socioeconomic status, the Yellow Shirt and Red Shirt supporters differ in party identification and democratic values. This finding indicates that the struggle between the conflicting groups in this country is not just about competing interests, but about the identities and basic values underlying the "rules of the political game."

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.45-78
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• 2019

This study examines the relationship between individuals' perceptions on party conflict and affective polarization. It pays particular attention to party identification as a moderating variable. Using a survey conducted in the context of the 2014 Korean local election, the present study hypothesizes that perceiving serious inter-party conflict in the political arena is likely to increase negative feelings toward out-group political party among partisans only. Not only do the results confirm our hypothesis but suggest that conflict perception leads to affective polarization among partisan voters. This paper contributes to our understanding of the mechanism that links the attribution of blame to out-group political party for legislative gridlock with ever-growing affective polarization of the electorate.

• Korean Business Review
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.105-122
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• 2007

This paper identifies the dimensions of political risk on the basis of the classification between risk and uncertainties to implement the precise identification and assessment of the various types of political risk and develop the sound assessment model to accomplish their practical applications. This paper shows the concrete and detailed processes of deriving the assessment models and applying them with the microsoft excel spreadsheet, confirms the result of Butler and Joaquin(1998), and presents the methods of identifying the various combination effects of the political risk impact and the covariance relationship with the market portfolio return through the sensitivity analysis.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.87-108
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• 2013

With questionnaires conducted for 613 adult Koreans in Seoul, the present study examined how their social features (income level, political party identification, political values, values of capitalism and egalitarianism) exercise influence on attitudes toward income polarization and their evaluation of government policies. Two groups of participants (high vs. low) for each social feature were formed first. Then their attitudes toward income polarization (liberal vs. conservative) and evaluations of policies (liberal vs. conservative) exercised by government (Participatory vs. Practical) were compared. Results indicated that liberal value was strengthened by liberal value, anti-capitalistic, and conservative value was strengthened by egalitarian values, and party identification. It was also found that party identification partial effect on the judgment of policies exercised by Participatory Government. These findings were discussed in terms of their implications for Korean society and measures for communication constructive for settlement of income polarization were suggested.

• Bulletin of the Korean Chemical Society
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.1457-1461
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• 2013

The $Fe_3O_4$-core and Ag-shell ($Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs) were prepared through the encapsulation of 3-aminopropyltriethoxysilane-coated magnetite nanoparticle in nano-Ag shell by a simple chemically controlled procedure. The $Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs were characterized by scanning electron microscopy, transmission electron microscopy, UV-vis spectrum and superconducting quantum interference device magnetometer, respectively. A detailed analysis is provided of how the hydrolysis and condensation of 3-aminopropyltriethoxysilane and the pH value are vital in fabricating the $Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs. The prepared $Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs possessed uniform size, improved monodispersity, stability against aggregation and high magnetization, which were utilized for the detection of latent fingerprints deposited onto different surfaces. The experimental results showed that the latent fingerprints developed with the $Fe_3O_4@Ag$ nanoeggs powders exhibited excellent ridge details with minimal background staining.