• 동남아시아연구
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

2016년 말레이시아 정치과정은 여권의 위기로 형성된 정권교체의 기회가 야권의 분열로 인해 상실되는 형국이었다. 나집(Najib) 총리를 둘러싼 1MDB 스캔들은 2013년 총선이후 야당의 지지세 상승과 더불어 수평적 정권 교체에 유리한 정치지형을 제공했다. 그러나 야권은 고질적인 분열상을 심화시키며 정치적 호재를 상실하고 있다. 이는 권위주의 통치세력의 위기에서 비롯된 민주화의 기회를 야권의 내부 분열로 인해 상실하는 정치발전의 왜곡 현상으로 풀이된다. 정치적 혼란은 경제문제를 심화시키는 한편 외교의 국내정치 도구화라는 부정적 결과를 초래하고 있다. 나집 정권에 대한 신뢰도 하락은 외환위기 이후 가장 심각한 수준의 링깃 가치의 하락을 낳았으며, 수출감소 등 주요 경제지표도 악화되었다. 친중국 행보, 로힝자 사태에 대한 적극적 개입이 이루어졌는데 그 이면에는 국내 정치 스캔들을 만회하고자하는 정치적 의도가 강하게 작용했다. 2017년 초기 총선이 예견되는 상황에서 야권의 분열이 지속될 경우 국가 핵심 리스크 관리의 적기를 놓칠 수 있다는 우려가 제기 된다.

• 영어영문학
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• 제57권2호
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• pp.265-284
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• 2011

This paper examines how Sedgwick makes a political allegory of founding the nation in domestic terms in The Linwoods (1835). Set in the Revolutionary period, The Linwoods is a historical fiction reconstructed by the writer in order to diagnose currently controversial issues. In this aspect, Sedgwick's interest in history is genealogical in Foucaudian sense. Foucault's genealogical method provides a way of recuperating a part of history hidden, submerged, obliterated by the official history. Seen in a genealogical perspective, the story of the Linwoods can be viewed as a political allegory in order to explore political conflicts of Sedgwick's own day. Faced with the threat of national disunion presented in the Nullification Crisis of sectional conflicts and divisions, Sedgwick attempts to provide a fictional solution to the first serious challenge to the U. S. Constitution. Going back to the times around the American Revolution, Sedgwick emphasizes how strenuously the American Constitution of America was formed as the outcome of the war against the tyranny of Britain, and how the Union was made on the basis of the cooperation between the States. By posing a contrast of political positions between family members, Sedgwick imagines a family/nation that allows diverse political positions. The conclusion of a diversity of marriages between man and woman who agree to be united after overcoming their differences in political affiliations seems to show her conservative proclivity to support the Union. However, by emphasizing the principles of freedom and equality represented by the significant role of Isabella and Rose, an African-American slave, in the victory of the American Revolution, Sedgwick also supports the spirit of the Jacksonian American democracy.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2023

Being one of the first and hardest hit countries by the coronavirus, Iran still continues to preserve its place among nations with the highest rates of infection and COVID-19 related deaths. While on the surface, such worrying status evinces the failure of the authorities in handling the crisis, at deeper levels, it points to the fundamentalist nature of the government and political system of the country. In this view, the current devastating condition in Iran is a clear indication of the all-out influence of the Islamic regime's ideologies on officials' decision-making and their political agendas throughout the pandemic. Accordingly, the staterun mainstream media, as the most preeminent institution of power, have been incessantly engaged in disseminating a series of ideology-laden information around the issues concerning the coronavirus, and in line with the developing political discourses during pandemic. Far from being based on factual accounts or scientific facts, these disseminated messages inevitably grew into a source of disinformation, ultimately resulting in overall public confusion and skepticism. Through examining the data gathered from some of the most prominent online news agencies run by the government, this study identifies five major discursive trends through which the mainstream media propagated ambiguous and manipulative information about COVID-19. These findings are then explained in the light of media system dependency theory, leading to the argument that within autocratic nation-states, public reliance on media during a national/global crisis brings about new opportunities for state exploitation, and further distressing consequences for the people.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.29-61
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• 2019

Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제29권
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• pp.189-231
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• 2005

본 연구는 노무현 대통령 탄핵 사건을 통해 위기를 맞이한 한나라당과 민주당의 위기 상황을 살펴봄으로써 정당별 위기관리의 특징을 살펴보았다. 정당의 위기관리를 위해 각 정당이 사용하는 이미지 회복 전략의 모습을 베노이트(Benoit)의 수사학적인 이미지 회복 전략의 틀로서 분석했다. 그 결과 한나라당과 민주당 모두 비난자 공격을 주로 사용하는 전략을 사용하였으나 위기관리에 성공한 한나라당과 실패한 민주당은 이미지 회복 전략상 차이를 보여줬다. 위기관리에 성공을 거둔 한나라당의 경우 비난자 공격 전략을 주로 사용하다가 미래 지향 전략으로 선회하였다. 따라서 위기관리에 성공한 야당과 실패한 야당을 비교분석함으로써 위기에 대한 책임이 높은 조직은 미래지향적인 전략을 사용하는 것이 바람직하다는 쿰즈(Coombs)의 이론을 뒷받침할만한 모습을 한나라당의 이미지 회복 전락에서 살필 수 있었다.

• 한국항해학회지
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.65-75
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• 1982

During the last decade the world had experienced oil crisis twice: the first one was the fourfold jump in oil prices in 1973 and 1974, the second one came in 1979 with 2.6 times price hike. The current crude oil prices stand around the level of $30 a barrel. The first reaction came quick, with reduced oil consumption and a general decline in economic activity. Furthermore, the second oil crisis has brought about tremendous and varied impacts upon the shipping industry, which is now undergoing an adaptation process to the changing environments. This article is divided into five chapters: chapter I is the introduction on the subject under examination; chapter II is devoted to the trends of the seaborne trade cargoes after the oil crisis; chapter III reveals the impact of the oil price hike on ships and their desion; chapter IV deals with the challenges shipping enterprises face in terms fo economic modus operandi and new international political environments; chapter V sets forth conclusion.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The situation in Korean peninsula, globally and regionally, which followed the global huge uncertainty, changed a lot. Because of the political crisis, ROK falls into a chaos. And DPRK goes into a policy changing period by the internal issues, international sanctions and assassination accident in Malaysia, which is confirmed to be DPRK's Supreme leader, Kim Jong Un's half brother. Under this changing circumstances, the perspectives of regarding China and the Korean peninsula, must be undated accordingly. Only by understanding the Sino-US relations, the DPRK nuclear issue and the regional dilemmas can we formulate reasonable policies to contribute to the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula.

• 한국경제지리학회지
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• 제17권3호
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• pp.567-584
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• 2014

이 글은 김영삼 정권하의 노동정치의 성격과 그 변화과정을 체계적으로 분석한다. 분석의 결과는 'IMF 경제위기'를 계기로 노동정치는 '갈등적 다원주의'에서 '사회적 합의주의'로 전환되었으며, 그 전환은 경제위기에 의해 촉발되었고, 변동의 방향은 정권적 차원의 제도적 맥락과 사회연합의 역학에 의해 규정되었음을 보여준다. 이 분석 결과가 함의하는 바는 경제위기나 국제적 압력이 노동정치의 변화 양상 및 방향을 규정짓는 변수가 아니고, 사회연합의 역학적 구도와 내용이 행위자들에게 새로운 인식과 전략적 선택을 강요하며, 이는 행위자들의 상호작용을 통해 최종적으로 노동정치의 변동을 낳는다는 점이다.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.143-148
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• 2022

본고는 21세기 데이터자본주의 시대의 강력한 물적 토대인 네트워크 테크놀로지와 그 사회문화적 메타포를 비판적으로 사유하여 예술적 가능성으로 전유한 테크노컬처 사례들을 연구대상으로 삼았다. 그리하여 그것의 대안성과 문화정치적 의미를 분석하였다. 이를 위해 2008년 글로벌 금융위기 이후 본격화된 데이터자본주의의 속성과 영향력, 그리고 그 반동으로 등장한 문화예술적 콘텍스트를 검토하였다. 본고에서 고찰한 첫 번째 사례인 퍼더필드의 <0달러 노트북컴퓨터> 워크숍은 예술과 테크놀로지가 서로 관계하는 배움과 교육을 통해 시민들이 사회변화에 참여할 수 있는 방법에 대해 사유할 수 있는 유용한 범례를 제공하였다. 두 번째 사례인 그리스의 해커스페이스 HSGR은 글로벌 금융위기로 인한 그리스의 재정위기, 국가의 창작지원 감소 등의 상황에서 공동의 진보적 '문화 공유지' 유형을 새롭게 제안하여 네트워크 테크놀로지를 위기 극복의 동력으로서 개발하였다. 세 번째 사례인 파올로 치리오의 <글로벌 다이렉트> 프로젝트는 사회적 거버넌스의 지배적 유형으로서의 국가와 커뮤니티 시스템을 향한 비평적 시민의식을 제고하였다. 이러한 테크노컬처 사례들은 네트워크 테크놀로지의 의미화 가능성에 주목하여, 문화정치의 맥락에서 진보적 정치 이념과 그것의 예술적 실현의 전통을 서로 조합하고 재발견한 실천이라 평가할 수 있겠다.

• 한국환경교육학회지:환경교육
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.1-18
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to research new paradigms of environmental ethics and environmental ethics education to overcome ecological crisis and to develop an alternative model of systematic environmental ethics education for establishing eco-centred life values. According to deep ecologists, they assert the necessity of basic reorientation of crucial components of present political, economic and social orders to overcome ecological crisis today. This means the movement from the mechanistic worldview to the ecological worldview and the shift from Dominant Social Paradigm(DSP) to New Ecological Paradigm(NEP). Environmental ethics education should be 'eco-centred environmental ethics education'which makes some contribution to overcome ecological crisis and to create new alternatives. Also it should be not a simple behavior change but 'eco-centred environmental ethics education', what is called, as 'ecological literacy education'which changes the views of values, thoughts and attitudes etc. In this, as a new social curriculum, 'ecological literacy education'means to cultivate the ability which can recognize environmental problems correctly and to overcome ecological crisis wisely we face with today. To perform this ecological environmental ethics education, we suggested 'eco-centred life values', we place a criterion of moral value judgment according to 'ecological conscience'on 'life', and we presented 'an alternative model of environmental ethics education' giving consideration to human being, nature and environment at the same time.