• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.133-165
• /
• 2009

'Travelogue to Shenyang(瀋陽日記)' is a documentary literature that Seon Yak-hae (宣若海) who was a military official of Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty, described matters happened in Shenyang when he visited there as an envoy during early 17th century when Qing(淸) Dynasty and Ming(明) Dynasty coexisted and had diplomatic conflict with Joseon Dynasty. This documentary literature is included in the data collection of China that gathers important historical data of China and has been published and delivered in China, but it hasn't caught attention in Korean academic society. There's another 'Travelogue to Shenyang' which is known in the academic society that is a record of eight years of hostage period of Crown Prince Sohyeon and his group in Shenyang. However, this 'Travelogue to Shenyangl' of Seon Yak-hae is a record of Joseon and other countries' status at that time as well as the Joseon intellectual's activities while visiting Shenyang before the outbreak of the Manchurian Invasion (to Korea) in 1636. Seon Yak-hae who wrote this 'Travelogue to Shenyang' recorded his successful works as an envoy with proud, and showed a unique appearance as a military official and intellect who wanted to observe political and military status of Qing Dynasty secretly and report to his country. Since he was an intellect who had military background, he responded bravely when dealing with diplomatic problem and collected data strategically. He also had the ability as an intellectual official, so he wrote realistic articles and also wrote some poems to express his honest feelings in this peculia Travelogue. Therefore, this ' Travelogue to Shenyang' has both values as a historic records that showed diplomatic status of Joseon in the 17th century and literature records that showed unique spirit to record as an intellect who also had military mind.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.99-109
• /
• 2021

The purpose of this paper is to look at web entertainment in terms of marketing and analyze how consumers in Korea and abroad feel about it. To this end, methods such as literature research, case studies, and consumer interviews were used. The main conclusions of this paper are as follows. First of all, through the case of "Run BTS," the web entertainment program actively reflects the needs of viewers on entertainment content by utilizing the unique interactions of web entertainment in terms of products. In terms of price, web entertainment operated a paid service that contained more diverse contents. However, the degree of satisfaction with paid services was different for each age group or income of viewers. In terms of distribution, web entertainment can position viewers much more clearly than conventional TV entertainment, has strong communication with viewers, and is relatively free from political conflict or censorship in overseas exports. Finally, in terms of public relations, web entertainment is promoted in various ways to fans who are the mainstay of existing viewers, but public relations for various viewers other than fans are relatively weak. Based on the above analysis, this paper proposed ways to improve consumers of web entertainment by region, customized marketing by age, professional window for consumers to directly express their opinions on content, and wide promotion through various media.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• v.9 no.6
• /
• pp.25-31
• /
• 2023

The dispute over the Northern Limit Line in the West Sea has been sharply opposed since the U.N. commander set it in August 1953 with the aim of preventing accidental armed conflict between the two Koreas in the waters of the Korean Peninsula. In 2022, for the first time since the division, North Korea made a missile provocation beyond the NLL. The purpose of this study is to identify how the research on the NLL, which is under way by North Korea's actual provocation, has been conducted and to suggest a direction to proceed. This study examined the trend of research using a total of five academic information DBs, including RISS and Scholar, focusing on academic papers studied on NLL from 1998 to 2023. As a result of examining the current status of each year, field, and research method, significant differences in research volume were identified according to the government's relationship with North Korea, and the research field had the most introduction of the concept of NLL and historical background, confirming the need to expand to more diverse fields to have international legal justification and justification for the NLL, considering the changing international environment according to the logic of power. In terms of final research methods, most of them were literature studies, so the need for quantitative research using interviews, surveys, and big data was also found. It is hoped that the analysis results of this paper will play a positive role in setting the research direction for the international response of the NLL in the future amid the interests of the international political environment that is still ongoing.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.8 no.1
• /
• pp.137-167
• /
• 2024

This study sought to explain the reasons why the civic education bill failed to be enacted as many as 13 times. What we discovered as a result of our research is, first, the absence of a legislative strategy by the minority member of the national assembly on this bills. The Citizenship Education Bill was a controversial bill with great potential for ideological conflict, and after the 19th National Assembly, this bill was promoted by a minority of a specific political party. The Democratic Party's sponsoring lawmakers did not use active legislative strategies, such as exerting influence within the party to have these bills adopted as the party's platform, or developing them into major pledges for the general and presidential elections. Second, there is a consistent passive response from civic groups as well as lawmakers who signed the bill in an unfavorable public opinion environment. During the legislative process, opposing opinions were overwhelming, including concerns about the spread of leftist ideology, waste of budget and organization, and violation of neutrality and fairness in education. In addition, the passive attitude of field teachers and civic groups, who should be in charge of civic education, also served as a background for the legislative failure. Third, due to a lack of sharing of reliable information on recent theoretical research and global policy trends among stakeholders, legislation through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties failed.

• Strategy21
• /
• s.30
• /
• pp.99-142
• /
• 2012

Withe increased North Korea's security threats, the South Korean navy has been faced with deteriorating security environment. While North Korea has increased asymmetric forces in the maritime and underwater with the development of nuclear weapons, and China and Japan have made a large investment in the buildup of naval forces, the power of the Pacific fleet of the US, a key ally is expected to be weakened. The biggest threat comes from China's intervention in case of full-scale war with North Korea, but low-density conflict issues are also serious problems. North Korea has violated the Armistice Agreement 2,660 times since the end of Korean War, among which the number of marine provocations reaches 1,430 times, and the tension over the NLL issue has been intensifying. With tension mounting between Korea and Japan over the Dokdo issue and conflict escalating with China over Ieo do Islet, the US Navy has confronted situation where it cannot fully concentrate on the security of the Korean peninsula, which leads to need for strengthening of South Korea's naval forces. Let's look at naval forces of neighboring countries. North Korea is threatening South Korean navy with its increased asymmetric forces, including submarines. China has achieved the remarkable development of naval forces since the promotion of 3-step plan to strengthen naval power from 1989, and it now retains highly modernized naval forces. Japan makes an investment in the construction of stat of the art warship every year. Since Japan's warship boasts of its advanced performance, Japan's Maritime Self Defense Force is evaluated the second most powerful behind the US Navy on the assumption that submarine power is not included in the naval forces. In this situation, naval power construction of South Korean navy should be done in phases, focusing on the followings; First, military strength to repel the energy warship quickly without any damage in case of battle with North Korea needs to be secured. Second, it is necessary to develop abilities to discourage the use of nuclear weapons of North Korea and attack its nuclear facilities in case of emergency. Third, construction of military power to suppress armed provocations from China and Japan is required. Based on the above naval power construction methods, the direction of power construction is suggested as follows. The sea fleet needs to build up its war potential to defeat the naval forces of North Korea quickly and participate in anti-submarine operations in response to North Korea's provocations. The task fleet should be composed of 3 task flotilla and retain the power to support the sea fleet and suppress the occurrence of maritime disputes with neighboring countries. In addition, it is necessary to expand submarine power, a high value power asset in preparation for establishment of submarine headquarters in 2015, develop anti-submarine helicopter and load SLAM-ER missile onto P-3C patrol aircraft. In case of maine corps, division class military force should be able to conduct landing operations. It takes more than 10 years to construct a new warship. Accordingly, it is necessary to establish plans for naval power construction carefully in consideration of reality and future. For the naval forces to safeguard maritime sovereignty and contribute to national security, the acquisition of a huge budget and buildup of military power is required. In this regard, enhancement of naval power can be achieved only through national, political and military understanding and agreement. It is necessary to let the nation know that modern naval forces with improved weapon system can serve as comprehensive armed forces to secure the command of the sea, perform defense of territory and territorial sky and attack the enemy's strategic facilities and budget inputted in the naval forces is the essential source for early end of the war and minimization of damage to the people. If the naval power construction is not realized, we can be faced with a national disgrace of usurpation of national sovereignty of 100 years ago. Accordingly, the strengthening of naval forces must be realized.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
• /
• v.15 no.3
• /
• pp.75-88
• /
• 2021

The film won the Golden Palm Award at the Cannes Film Festival, and received the Academy Award for a non-English-speaking film in February 2020, respectively. It has received a monumental evaluation in the world film history. Overall, this film is about class conflict, and critics evaluate the theme of the film as "badly twisted class gap" and "anger from class." The film expresses an intrinsic conflict embodied in culture as a "tragedy in which no bad person appears," rather than the dichotomous composition of the classical class struggle from Marxism. In other words, this can be seen as expressing the substrated class relationship of the modern society that Pierre Bourdieu had argued. This film has been focused as a controversial target under Korea society with excess of ideology. Politics used to adopt the keyword, 'parasite', for political disputes not only in culture contents world. Paradoxically socialism China did not allow to release film 'Parasite.' On the other hand, Lee O-Yong argues that the movie "Parasite" does not look at social phenomena through a dichotomous perspective, but is viewed through a "double perspective" and evaluates that it does not lose eyes looking at humans through tension. This view is based upon 'Vital Capitalism'. Lee. O-Yong looks at the movie "Parasite" from the perspective of "Vital Capitalism". The theory of Vital Capitalism does not seek to find the root of historical development in class struggle conflicts, but rather figuring out history and society pays attention onto the intrinsic characteristics of life, Topophilia, Neophilia, and Biophilia. Lee Eo-ryeong argues that the development of civilization theory evolved from the stage of Hobbes' Darwinism or predatism to the stage of host vs. parasite of Michel Serres, and onto the stage of Margulis's 'Win-Win (inter-dependence)'. In this paper, after overview of vital capital concept and preceeding research, re-interpretations were tried onto scenes based upon fields from habitus, culture capital. This exploration looks for a alternative for excess of ideology in Korea society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.46
• /
• pp.511-555
• /
• 2009

Media-related regulations can be classified into two categories; regulations of individual media contents and regulations regarding the entry to and withdrawal from a certain field. In this dissertation, ownership regulations are regarded as legal and political measures so as to prevent the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion, and to secure its diversity. Every country has its own regulation model according to its particular media environment. Korea too is obliged to actively respond to its environmental changes, at the same time vitalizing the media industry and protecting consumers' rights and interests. Strong political intentions to protect the public interest is necessary when it comes to media regulation policies, especially in the circumstances that public interest is an industrial priority. As the convergence of broadcasting and telecommunications is leading to a major shift in the media industry, the regulation of cross-media ownership is an issue involving potential conflicts among media-owners, non-governmental organizations and the authorities concerned, depending on their various viewpoints regarding the media industry. In this paper, an attempt was made to search necessity of redefining 'public interest', which is the logic behind the restriction of cross-media ownership, and to reconceptualize issues on the centralization and diversity of media. First, an examination of the actual conditions of newspaper companies was carried out in order to reinvestigate domestic cross-media ownership issues, which is represented by the cross-ownership issue of newspapers and broadcasting stations. Next, the dilemma of policies stimulated by the fusion of media was discussed based on cross-media ownership restrictions, and the need for efficient conflict control was suggested. Finally, proposals on the independency and public confidence of media-related policy-making authorities, the rationalization of regulation models, an itemized discussion on cross-media ownership regulation issues, the elaboration of measures for a balanced development among media were made. It could be found that a number of foreign countries were still facing challenges to prevent monopoly and oligopoly of the public opinion and the industry. A solution to settle disagreements about the dilemma of the media industry, including the cross-media ownership regulation issues, must be arranged on the grounds of 'mutual respect of public interest and industrial interest', In Korea, an ease on the ownership regulations adapting to the change in the media industry may be considered, however the softening of the cross-media ownership regulations must be approached with the utmost care. Paradoxically Relieving cross-media ownership regulations may be considered the foundation of a richer field of journalism, where there is no need for concern over the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion.

• Journal of Legislation Research
• /
• no.53
• /
• pp.61-107
• /
• 2017

It has been seventy-two years since the Korean Peninsular was divided into South and North Korea. When Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule in August 1945, the South and North established a capitalist system and a socialist system (communism) respectively, intensifying the ideological conflict and confrontation. The division of Korea was not confined to political and economical aspects, but extended to legal system, making it difficult to find legislative homogeneity in the two. The long-term situation of the divided nation results in a social phenomenon accompanied by legal division. For instance, shortly after its liberation from Japan's colonial rule, North Korea responded quickly to secure legal stability to govern the northern part while the Soviet army troops were stationed in it. Based on Marx and Engels' historical materialism, the North drove a change in its ideological superstructure by repealing the privatization of land property which was the means of production and finally enforced land nationalization, in common with other socialist states including the former Soviet Union. The North's land reform made under the guise of fulfilling national independence and doing away with anti-seigneurial and anti-feudalistic relations, has led to a wide difference in the systems between the South and Korea. This paper focuses on the legal systems of South and North Korea and is aimed at exploring the legal characteristics and environment of the North which became secluded from the world while engaging in socialist experiments for the past seventy two years against capitalism. Ongoing studies of legal system integration will be briefly discussed. The legal status of South and North Korea as a political entity will be investigated to overcome legal system division; and the characteristics of South-North relationship in legal terms and the limitations of the North's legal system will be also examined. Moreover, the directions for integrating legal systems and the plan for resolving legal system division will be suggested.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.130
• /
• pp.219-246
• /
• 2014

Do the particular good and the common good stand in relation of opposition or superiority each other? With regard to this question, some argue that the relevant Thomas texts reveal the superiority of the common good over the particular good, while others argue for the superiority of the particular good. The argument of this articles is, however, that closer examination of texts shows that Thomas Aquinas seeks to the unity of the common good and the particular good instead of seeing the conflict between them. It is true that Thomist moral and political theory emphasizes the value of the individual, but it should be noted that for Thomas the individual as individual does not exist, but shares specific formal determination with other members of the same species and, therefore, is the individualized, concrete universal. Good, meanwhile, means perfection which each being pursues and a thing is called good in the absolute sense when it actualizes its potentialities as a whole. An individual person is said to pursue only partial good, if it only seeks its perfection as an individual. The nature of individual person should be fully realized only in and through the community pursuing the common good. But the aim of living together which is rooted in the nature of human being as a rational being is for its members to live virtuously. The political community is said to try to bring its individual members to perfection, since the virtues are what renders human beings and their acts good. In this sense the particular good of the individual person is achieved through the pursuit of the common good and the common good is realized through the pursuit of the particular good so that they coincide each other. But this unity remains imperfect, when it would not be rightly ordered to its due end which is non other than the highest good, that is God. Accordingly the goodness of the human being in an absolute sense lies in the unity of the particular good and the common good rightly oriented towards the highest good, which is also called common good which every being pursues.

• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
• /
• v.13
• /
• pp.869-895
• /
• 2000

The US supports the Information and Communication (IC) industry as a strategic one to wield a complete power over the World Market. However, several other countries are also eager to have the support for the IC industry because the industry produces a high added value and has a significant effect on other industries. Korea is not an exception. Korea recently succeeded in the commercialization of CDMA for the first time in the world, after the successful development of TDX. Hence, it is highly likely to get tracked by the US. Although the IC industry is a specific sector of IT, there is a concern that there might be a trade friction between the US and Korea due to a possible competition. It will be very important to prepare a solution in advance so that Korea could prevent the friction and at the same time increase its share domestically and globally. It will be our important task to solve the problem with the minimum cost if the conflict arises unfortunately in the IT area. The parties that have a strong influence on the US trade policy are the think tank group and the IT-related interest group. Therefore, it would be important to have a close relationship with them. We found some implications by analyzing the case of Japan, which has experienced trade frictions with the US over the long period of time in the high tech industry. In order to get rid of those conflicts with the US, the Japanese did the following things : (1) The Japanese government developed supporting theories and also resorted to international support so that the world could support the Japanese theories. (2) Through continual dialogue with the US business people, the Japanese business people sought after solutions to share profits among the Japanese and the US both in the domestic and in the worldwide markets. They focused on lobbying activities to influence the US public opinion to support the Japanese. The specific implementation plan was first to open culture lobby toward opinion leaders who were leaders about the US opinion. The institution, Japan Society, were formed to deliver a high quality lobbying activities. The second plan is economic lobby. They have established Japanese Economic Institute at Washington. They provide information about Japan regularly or irregularly to the US government, research institution, universities, etc., that are interested in Japan. The main objective behind these activities though is to advertise the validity of Japanese policy. Japanese top executives, practical interest groups on international trade, are trying to justify their position by direct contact with the US policy makers. The third one is political lobby. Japan is very careful about this political lobby. It is doing its best not to give impression that Japan is trying to shape the US policy making. It is collecting a vast amount of information to make a correct judgment on situation. It is not tilted toward one political party or the other, and is rather developing a long-term network of people who understand and support the Japanese policy. The following implications were drawn from the experience of Japan. First, the Korean government should develop a long-term plan and execute it to improve the Korean image perceived by American people. Second, the Korean government should begin public relation activities toward the US elite group. It is inevitable to make an effort to advertise Korea to this elite group because this group leads public opinion in the USA. Third, the Korean government needs the development of a relevant policy to elevate the positive atmosphere for advertising toward the US. For example, we need information about to whom and how to about lobbying activities, personnel network who immediately respond to wrong articles about Korea in the US press, and lastly the most recent data bank of Korean support group inside the USA. Fourth, the Korean government should create an atmosphere to facilitate the advertising toward the US. Examples include provision of incentives in tax on the expenses for the advertising toward the US and provision of rewards to those who significantly contribute to the advertising activities. Fifth, the Korean government should perform the role of a bridge between Korean and the US business people. Sixth, the government should promptly analyze the policy of IT industry, a strategic area, and timely distribute information to industries in Korea. Since the Korean government is the only institution that has formal contact with the US government, it is highly likely to provide information of a high quality. The followings are some implications for business institutions. First, Korean business organization should carefully analyze and observe the business policy and managerial conditions of US companies. It is very important to do so because all the trade frictions arise at the business level. Second, it is also very important that the top management of Korean firms contact the opinion leaders of the US. Third, it is critically needed that Korean business people sent to the USA do their part for PR activities. Fourth, it is very important to advertise to American employees in Korean companies. If we cannot convince our American employees, it would be a lot harder to convince regular American. Therefore, it is very important to make the American employees the support group for Korean ways. Fifth, it should try to get much information as early as possible about the US firms policy in the IT area. It should give an enormous effort on early collection of information because by doing so it has more time to respond. Sixth, it should research on the PR cases of foreign enterprise or non-American companies inside the USA. The research needs to identify the success factors and the failure factors. Finally, the business firm will get more valuable information if it analyzes and responds to, according to each medium.