• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.30
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• pp.241-262
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• 2009

In this study, we will find out and understand of the literary characteristics and the material status about the translation of Sijo into chinese poetry which is the representative genre in Korean traditional poetry. Most of the work was done from 17th 19th century, and there are about 120 literary men who translated Sijo. 759 works are translated into Chinese poetry and we cannot find 135 works' original poetry. Therefore about 900 works are translated into Chinese poetry. One Sijo can be translated into more than 1 Chinese poetry, so there are more translated works. According to this study, there are 1356 translated works in total. Many works are done in piece by piece, however most of them are in series with many poems from 10 to 100. First, some popular Sijo was translated into series. Second, some serial Sijo or some Sijo of particular writers are translated into Chinese works. In first case, there are 22 writers' 27 works of Sijo along with Shinwi's "Soakbu" and 652 translated works. In the other case, there are 30 writers' 26 works of Sijo including 10 "Kosangugokga", which was translated by Song shiyul. There are 511 translated works. A lot of translations of Sijo into Chinese poetry are in various documents. They are in personal collections of works such as "Beonbanggok" in Namguman's "Yakchunjip". The works are in books of poems such as Hong yangho's "Chunggudangok" and Shinwi's "Jahasoakbu". In collection of Sijo like Shin heum's "Bangongshiyeo" in "Chungguyoungwon", there are some translated works as well. We can understand Sijo which we do not know the lyrics now by studying the materials about the translation of Sijo into Chinese poetry. The materials about the translation of Sijo into Chinese poetry have necessary value for studying the creation and tradition process of Sijo. In addition, with the materials, we can study the interaction between Korean literature and Chinese one, and also we can study about the changing aspects of Chinese poetry in Late Chosun.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.44-52
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to investigate the tendency of the research on the traditional scenery architecture based on the old literature for the last 10 years and to suggest direction of the research on the traditional scenery through utilization of the old literature. For the tendency analysis of the research on the traditional scenery, I investigated and analyzed researches published in the Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture between 2002 and 2012, and reviewed the utilization of the old literature about research on the traditional scenery. The number of the research papers through the old literature was two or three a year by 2009, but has increased to more than eight from 2010. The utilization tendency of the old literature was mostly to use the Korean translations or to use a collection of an individual's works after partially translating. As some of the researches were carried out only through translations even when they used the original, historical evidence on the translation of the original was insufficient. I can suggest the direction of the research on the traditional scenery by the results as follows: it is necessary to present both translation and the original and to specify the source of translation, for the efficient understanding and verification of the original. Professional translation of landscape architecture and scenery also seems to be necessary for the records of the current state. For the analysis of the old literature, as the analysis of the traditional scenery both through poetry and records facilitates assumption of the location of landscape by the abundant data, it seems to be necessary to approach research, using poetry and prose complementarily, after preparing foundation of research based on the records.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.223-264
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• 2014

Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo(淵泉 洪奭周: 1774-1842) faithfully followed a policy of restoration of literary style of king Jeongjo. He was an young vassal after 1794 and influenced by Jeongjo because Yeoncheon was around the king. Furthermore, he had comparatively favorable working period as a vassal(仕宦期, 1795-1836) after death of Jeongjo(1800) while establishing his own academic viewpoint. Therefore, a study about art theory of Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo is one about logical system to accept various desires for change of then while not getting rid of scope of Neo-Confucianism after Jeongjo. It is catched that exchange of Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong was made relating to study of Sangseo. Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong absorbed in study of Sangseo, which is come from putting importance on 6 scriptures (經) among studies of scriptures by both of them. Through this, they aimed to re-discover ideology of original Confucian studies as one for cultivating oneself and governing people (修己治人之學). Dasan and Yeoncheon have something in common that they were young vassals who were cultivated as a guarding power for Jeongjo centered on Gyujanggak. They were largely fit to view of literature(文體觀) of Jeongjo. Hong Seok-joo distinguished function of prose(文) and poetry(詩) into teaching moral(明敎) and moving people(感人) in the category of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on thoughts of 'literature is linguistic device for Taoism '(道本文末)' which is a core concept of literature theory based on Neo-Confucianism. He gave a careful attention on instructional and social function in prose while on emotional understanding that puts importance on temper and the secrets of nature in poetry. Hong Seok-joo regarded moral impression and edification through this as a core of artistic creation based on Segyoseol(世敎說). Furthermore, expressions such as 'Heunggwangunwon(興觀群怨)' or 'Yeohangguyo(閭巷謳謠) which are mentioned as important elements in his artistic works put importance on actual existence of objective things in artistic activity and this is connected to an attitude to require description fit to fact. So, it is assumed that such expression style aimed for features of genre painting in painting arts. Understanding of the study of ancient documents by Yeoncheon developed from critical perspective. He criticized the study of ancient documents, saying it as first, Pasoijisul(破碎之術), second, Dotaekjisul(塗澤之術), third, Hoimojisul(毁侮之術). Jeong Yak-yong criticized ' theory on the Odes' from viewpoint of theory of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on Neo-Confucianism. He stressed political and social function of Sipeon and general poetry in "the Odes" and reinterprets discourses about poetry of Zhu Xi based on his own opinion. He says that poems of national fashion do political and social criticism. The theory of national fashion by Jeong Yak-yong clearly discloses his thoughts that stress practical role of noblemen in the social and political context.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.127-140
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• 2000

The purpose of this study was to research and design stage costumes of Whangjinie focusing on inner image of Whangjinie, present stage costumes of new image. Four steps were taken in order to achieve this purpose. The first step was to investigate the old documents and prior research about literature world of Whangjinie. The second step was to analyze stage costumes of Whangjinie which were worn in opera, movie. The third step was to design and make the stage costumes according to new images Whangjinie which were extracted from above two research results. The new images of Whangjinie are as follows 1. Whangjinie as a kisaeng(professional entertainer) She thirsted for new, materialistic love though she failed in love everytime. 2. Whangjinie as a woman. She had a hard time by feeling an irresistible yearning for lover 3. Whangjinie as a poet. She expressed as a poetry her vanity and loneliness of life. Using above three images, this study designed four new stage costumes of Whangjinie and two designs of them were made really. But this study didn't present historic costume of her age but expressed modern mood in color and form.

• Journal of The Geomorphological Association of Korea
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.133-145
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• 2013

There are many traditional natural heritages, so-called Dongcheon-gugok, in the Sobaek mountainous region ranged from Sangju city to Mungyeong city. Because Yongyu-dong has the beautiful scenery, well conserved, and many related documents, making amusing storytelling is allowed. Therefore, this study is to construct the storytelling by putting together the geomorphological explanation of topographical landscape and travel writing or poetry and prose by ancient people. The main themes of storytelling are the sculpture of the letter, gutters and pot holes on the broad and flat rock, and the arguments of the forming processes of Yong-choo. I expect this storytelling to help understanding and symphasizing the traditional natural heritages.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.1-24
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• 2023

The history of modern libraries in Korea is less than 150 years. Nevertheless, there are various issues about when the word library appeared, how it was transformed, and the name and overall appearance of the library opened by the Busanpo branch of the Nihon Kodo-kai during the enlightenment period. Therefore, this study analyzed and argued many issues. As a result, it was found that the word library appeared in poetry collections, tombstones, and diaries from the early Joseon dynasty. Although it was widely held that the library was first introduced by Yu Gil-jun's 「Seoyugyeonmun, 1895」, it appeared in Lee Hun-young's 「Iisajipryak」 and was also introduced in 「Hanseongsunbo, 1884」. And the first name given to the facility was Kodo library, which was opened by the Busanpo branch on October 10, 1901. Book club, reading club (library), Busan(Busan district) library, Kodo bookstore, Kodo-kai library, etc. which are described in many documents are all errors. The location of the library was a temporary house on a leased site in Seosanhajeong of Yongdusan mountain. And it is presumed that it has secured about one room and 1,000 Japanese and Western books, and provided fee-based services to Japanese residents. Although the Kodo library is not the first public library established by a Korean, it is undeniable that it was the first public library to exist in Korea. Therefore, when defining the character of the Kodo library, it is necessary to have a coolness and discernment beyond national emotions, historical conflicts, and ideological frames.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.20-35
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• 2022

This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.