• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.142-154
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• 2012

This study aimed at learning the characteristics of place identity of the Buan county hall garden and Sangsosan(上蘇山) by looking over the pattern and content of letter-engraved rocks and nearby facilities and history. Especially, we focused on the meaning and contents of the letters in Sangsosan and a Government Office of Buan engraved on rocks in order to learn what the place means. The results of our study are as follows. Buan-hyun(扶安縣) in the Joseon dynasty period blossomed literary culture of enjoying poetry and melody, and this was faithful realization of the concept of "Rakto(樂土)" of 'Saengubuan(生居扶安).' The grand scale letters written by Si-SooPark(朴蓍壽: 1767~1876), head of the office in the early 19th century, in the cursive style on the basis stone of the garden of Buan county building, which was the site of the office of Buan-hyun in the Joseon dynasty period, such as 'Bongraedongcheon(蓬萊洞天)', 'Jurim(珠林)', and 'Okcheon(玉泉)' mean that "'Bongrae', the another name of Buan', is a place where Taoist hermits would live because the spring water of Seorim flows down to be Okcheon.", showing his pride of living Buan. The regions like Seorimjeong, Geumdae(琴臺), and Hyecheon(惠泉) where letters engraved on rocks are located intensively are closely related with those who communicated with Mae-ChangLee(李梅窓: 1573~1610), the slave of the government, and are local attractions and garden traces where the literary culture and scholar's spirit of Buan are well-harmonized. Most of the letters were written from the 19th century to the early 20th century, showing that 4 for landscapes, 8 for Kyungseck(景色: imaginary scenry), 5 for figures, 15 for poems and 2 for others. The ratio of poems is much higher than that of poems in other regions' letters on rocks, and the keyword of the letters is Haecheon. A piece of the place identity heavily influenced by the Taois thermit ideology is revealed by the expressions of 'Bongraedongcheon', 'Sosansaho(蘇山四皓)' or 'the spring water of Haecheon' that was considered as an elixir of Taoist hermits. Seorim the forest, which had been managed after Yeon-Myeong Cho(趙然明: 1797~?), head of the office, planted trees in the 11th year of the reign of King Heonjong(1845), Seorimjeong in the forest, and rocks with engraved letters on them are proof of literary culture and the garden traces showing the characteristics and aspect of Imcheon(林泉) Garden of the office heavily influenced by the Taoist hermit ideology. Along with Naebyeon-san national park and Kyeokpo region, the center of Buan tourism, we hope that cultural heritages including rocks with engraved letters over Seorim park would become a representative cultural heritage and attraction of Buan.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.38
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• pp.145-190
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• 2015

The objective of this paper is to investigate translated individual words in J. S. Gale's "Choon Yang" in comparison with its original OkJoongHwa("獄中花") while referring to early modern bilingual dictionaries and missionaries' ethnography. Gale faced a lot of translation difficulties because the source text had a very different cultural system from the object text. OkJoongHwa was a Korean pansori novel which meant it included many Korean characteristics. However, Gale considered its Korean characteristics were deeply connected with Chinese classics. Even famous people and place names cited from the Chinese classics in OkJoongHwa represented the Korean thinking. Gale tried to faithfully translate the source text as much as possible whether the words were Chinese or Korean. In this paper, we deal with mostly various translation aspects of the Chinese-letter words in OkJoongHwa. Gale's first method to translate words made of Chinese Character is transliteration, the examples of which are the name of Chinese famous people and places, and Chinese poems. The second method is to parallel transliteration and English interpretation equivalent to the Chinese Character. The examples are the names of main characters like "Spring Fragrance or Choonyang," "Mongyong, or Dream-Dragon" and in his translation of word play in Osa (Commissioner), or Kamsa (Governor), kaiksa (a dead beggar). The third is literal translation of Chinese idiomatic phrases as Gale translated 侵魚落雁 into "She'd make the fishes to sink and the wild-geese to drop from the sky." The fourth is a little free translation of the title of public office, the various names of Korean yamen servants and the unique Korean clothing and ornaments. We expect Gale's many translation difficulties as we can see the translated long list of yamen clerks and Korean clothing and ornaments. After our investigation of his translation practices in "Choon Yang" we conclude that he tried to translate its literary language very faithfully though he could not avoid inevitable loss caused by the cultural difference involved in two languages. Gale's "Choon Yang" contributed to introducing the uniqueness of the classical Korean novel and Korean culture to the world more than any other English translation works of that time through his faithful translation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.11-18
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• 2018

Suhwa Kim Hwan-gi established his own unique world of art based on Korean-style lyricism with his sophisticated and sublimated formative language as the first generation of Korean abstract artist. He made his name known not only in Korea but New York and Paris, the center of contemporary art. Presently, there is almost no material left for us to examine how Kim Hwan-gi's house looked in the first place. But there is a painting that chef Kim Am-gi possesses where we can find the image of painter Kim Hwan-gi's house drawn by recalling the memories at home in a far-off land. With that, we can see it should be the original looks of that house. To examine the original looks of Kim Hwan-gi's house when it was built, this author studied the closure land registration map. By analyzing 29 land registration maps around Eupdong-ri of Gijwa-myeon in Muan-gun of Jeollanam-do produced in 1917 which National Archives of Korea possesses, this researcher could figure out the status of land registration around Kim Hwan-gi's house with No. 15 and 22 drawing boards. According to the results of considering aerial photographs after the emancipation that National Geographic Information Institute possesses, this author has found that the arrangement of Kim Hwan-gi's house was changed from 1954 up to 2008. In 1954 aerophotos, we can see the main building and studio in Kim Hwan-gi's house and there was an additional structure between them. Kim Hwan-gi's house was built before 1925. The main building presently designated as a cultural asset and also the sarangchae arranged in the east and the studio, too, were built in the similar period.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.347-359
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• 2016

Landscape characteristics and the culture of the sacred Dangsan forests located at Mulgeon village, Eunjeom village and Daejipo village in Mulgeon-ri, Namhae-gun were investigated. The potential of Dangsan forests for agricultural heritage, linked with paddy fields, has been discussed. Dangsan forest is a traditional village forest and a representative cultural heritage with a history of more than several hundred years. The Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs of Korea evaluates that the agricultural heritage is a new means and will provide a potential for the development of rural areas. The Dangsan forests were located in the neighborhood of paddy fields. The Dangsan forests are to be related to paddy fields in order to get attention as an agricultural heritage. Especially, the Dangsan forest of Mulgeon village was designated as Natural Monument ＃150 with the name, Windbreak forest of Mulgeon-ri, Namhae. It was suggested that the national monument to rename as Dangsan forest of Mulgeon village, Namhae. The size of this forest was measured to be 735 m in length and 31 m in width. Mulgeon-ri will be better recognized as a candidate place of agricultural heritage with three Dangsan forests associated with paddy fields.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.195-218
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• 2016

This paper focuses on the terminology of the dictionary as an encyclopedic element in the Buddhist language. The previous study on Buddhist language can be divided into a philosophical approach to the language itself, a review of the linguistic perspective of a specific monk, and a linguistic examination of the Buddhist language. The linguistic examination of the Buddhist language is further divided into analysis of certain Buddhist scriptures, and a study of vocabulary used throughout the Buddhist sphere. The Buddhist vocabulary in the existing Korean dictionary is found in specialized areas such as name, place name, history, and Buddhism. By advancing the generalized words of the terminologies, the meanings of the terminologies and the general words are described as polysemy. It is possible to identify the degree of transition from terminology to general word depending on the distribution of senses. In the case of Buddhist vocabulary, the usage as a general language and as a Buddhist term was given priority, and vocabulary was also derived from a Buddhist term, although it was described as a general language. If a dictionary is changed according to the language unit it contains, the difference in a Buddhist terminology for each dictionary, and a conflict between the existing academic research result and the prior description, will need to be resolved through the collaboration of religious experts, linguists, and lexicographers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.16-33
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• 2012

Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.190-217
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• 2012

This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.127-143
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• 2010

This research was made on the interpretation of cultural landscape elements which is shown at nature management around Gyeongcheondae managed by Udam Chae Deug-gi, scholar in Joseon dynasty. Naming the nature management and natural features not only reflected on the formation toward the view of nature by the contemporary intellectuals, but influenced on the fashion of garden culture. Udam Chae Deug-gi dwelt in the riverside of Sangju, Kyungbuk as the characteristics of hermitage and managed landscape and had a willing to live a life free from worldly cares. The Gyeongchundae 28 landscapes, which was managed by himself, represent that natural features are named on the basis of neo-confucian principle and loyalty and he imposed symbolic meaning on landscape management by practically translating his aesthetic consciousness to reality; the name of detailed landscape is largely 'loyalty to Ming dynasty and to king's order and loyalty', 'Taoism' and 'Management will of landscape' by the life of metaphor and enjoyment, and symbolizes 'Searching for learning'. In addition, by selecting 10 out of 28 landscapes around Gyeongcheondae, lyrically describing the landscape by representing the change of time, season and the climate which is the scenic term of Great 8 Sosang views in fashion at that time focusing on the place he strolled or enjoyed watching himself; it can be seen that such moves are related with the landscape management in fashion in order to understand microcosmic providence with the change of natural environment. Therefore, Udam Chaedeug-gi is regarded as the neo-confucian view of nature for which any value scholars in Joseon dynasty have to own - 'loyalty' and 'integrity' - he usually emphasized himself to name the natural features and overcome the darkness of society comparing the landscape management around Gyeongchundae he lived a life free from worldly cares to the situation of Joseon dynasty when a transition times between Ming and Chung comes from China.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.11
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• pp.147-183
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• 1984

This is an analytical study on Munheongak (文獻閣) and it's catalogue. The major objective of the study is to get a recognition of Munheongak under the culture of Sukjong (肅宗) period in Korean library history. Most of early studies made on such a category have been concentrated on Jiphyunjeon (集賢殿), Hongmungwan (弘文館), Kyujanggak(奎章閣) and their backgrounds. In this study, the author has invest gated Kungwolji (宮闕志), Munheongakseomg (文獻閣書目) and other materials related to this subject. The findings of the study can be summarized as follows: 1. Munheongak was established by king Sukjong in the 26th year of his reign. According to some records of Kungkwolji, the reason of establishment of the library was to arrange the collection in the Sango (相庫) consisted of various kinds of materials. In case of books, most of them turned out to be Korean books. 2. Munheongak was sited to the estern side of Kyunghyundang (景賢堂), which was located on the Kyungdeokgung (慶德宮). After Youngjo (英祖) the place was called Kyungheuigung (慶熙宮) so as to avoid the name of the precedent king. But these days, both the buildings are not to be found. 3. After its establishment, the library could not play the role as a library because of the then political situation and sectionalism. During the period of the revival of the learning from Youngjo till Jeongjo(正祖) the function of the library was in a stagnant state. Kyujanggak played the part in its place. 4. Referring to the collection management, the Munheongakseomog is equipped with 101 titles, 2,525 volumes, which are arranged by means of the traditional Chinese classification system. 5. The classification scheme is based on the traditional Chinese classification system which might divide all subjects into four categories such as: Confucian classics division, Historical documents division, Master's division, and Collection of literature division. Some illustrations reveal that the classification system was directly influenced by Seogoseomg (書庫書目) : the influence reflected in the classes for the translated literature and writings, poems, genealogy about kings, etc. But some subdivisions such as a class of Annals, Historical Epcerpts were omitted in the classification scheme, which did not strike the balance in the system in terms of the present theory of classification. Most of bibliographical descriptions were also influenced by Seogoseomog but some elements were partly omitted. 6. The special feature of the collection building is the absence of books in Collection of literature division except only three kinds of books in examining the Munheongakseomog. Since this is rather a comprehensive study for such aspects as historical backround, catalogue, and cultural environment of Munheongak and its related record, it is advised that further and additional research should be made.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.61
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• pp.9-35
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• 2020

In the second half of the previous century the composition of the teacher population - and the composition of the pupil and parent population - in the Netherlands gives rise to the name change 'age of secularisation' to 'age of pluralisation'. In previous centuries the (religious or secular) worldview identity of the parents and the educational philosophy of the school were attuned to each other, and merged into a mono-cultural perspective on the identity development of pupils. The basis for both - the upbringing by the parents and the socialisation in the family on the one hand, and the teachers' efforts to enculturate the students at the school on the other - was a similar life orientation. The school choice of the parents was predetermined by their commitment to a particular (religious) worldview, very often inspired by Christianity. The religious identity of their children developed in a clear-cut context. However, in contemporary society plurality dominates, at home and at the school, both in case of the parents and the teachers. A direct relationship with a community of like-minded believers is no longer decisive for parents with varying cultural and religious backgrounds. Instead, a good feeling upon entering the schoolyard or the school building is a convincing argument in the process of school choice. The professional identity development of teachers and the religious identity development of children takes place in a plural context. Our question is: what does this mean for the normative professionalism of the teacher? To answer this research question we make use of the resources of the Dialogical Self Theory (DST) with its core concepts of 'voice' and 'positioning'. After presenting the Dutch dual education system (with public and denominational schools) we provide a lively description of a Dutch classroom situation occurring in a public school, as viewed from the perspective of the teacher. The focus in this description is on performative dialogue as a 'disruptive moment' and on its potential for the hyphenated religious identity development of teachers, which makes up a part of their normative professionalism.