• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
• /
• v.41 no.2
• /
• pp.115-131
• /
• 2021

As the global climate change emergency is escalating, the need for 'Social Action-Oriented SSI (SAO-SSI) on climate change topics' in science education that can change society through social activity is increasing. By employing sociocultural theory, this study explores the challenges of limiting teacher's agency in implementing SAO-SSI on climate change topics in science education. Data from participant observation for 46 lessons, in-depth interviews with participants, field notes, and teacher reflection notes were analyzed by the structure of into micro- (classrooms), meso- (school), and macro- (Korea society) level. At the micro-level, the teacher's new attempts of SAO-SSI on climate change topics class made it difficult for him to identify students' understanding of climate change, because they have a low sense of perception that climate change is also their problem. In addition, the teacher had difficulties leading students' into an engagement for social action because students were skeptical about the feasibility of planned social behavior by positioning themselves as children or had difficulty in understanding social action and sympathizing with its values. At the meso-level, a school culture that encourages the implementation of a curriculum similar to that of colleagues, it was difficult to implement one's own curriculum. And it was difficult to develop expertise without the support and communications with colleagues who revealed the burden of unfamiliar science topics of climate change. In addition, conflicts arose in the process of implementing out-of-school social actions with the principal's passive support. At the macro-level, the insufficient proper material resources for SAO-SSI on climate change topics class, and negative perceptions on the students' social action in the society were acting as constraints. We offer implications for what kind of structural support and efforts from various subjects in the educational community should be provided to implement SAO-SSI on climate change topics class in science education.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
• /
• v.15 no.5
• /
• pp.2713-2723
• /
• 2014

This study adopts an ecological perspective to empirically navigate the issues surrounding the impact of parental abuse on the emotional development of adolescents. The data is used from the Korean Children and Youth Panel Survey 2011 (KCYPS 2011), which was conducted by the National Youth Policy Institute (n=2,270). Path models were constructed in which adolescents' environmental mediators (i.e., the relationship with parents, friends, and teachers; and school life) control their negative emotions (i.e., aggressiveness, negative physical symptoms, social weakness and depression); in turn to compare the difference between two groups based on parental abuse by using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). As with the non-abused group (n=1,644), all the environmental mediators remained significant to control their negative emotion; whereas, the abused group (n=626) showed no significant pathway from their relationship with teachers and school life to negative emotion. This indicates that the abused group have limited number of the mediators to control their negative emotion than those of the non-abused group. For the non-abused group, the mediator with the highest total effect to control their negative emotion was the relationship with their friends; on the other hand, the abused group's mediator that showed the highest total effect to control their negative emotion was the relationship with their parents. Although the relationship with teachers remained significant as a mediator to affect school life for the both groups, teachers were not significant to control the negative emotion of the abused group. These findings suggest that the negative relationship with teachers in the abused group is a factor to threat the school adaptation of adolescents, which also leads to problems that are related to the emotional development of adolescents.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.53-78
• /
• 2021

The concept of household labor is composed of housework and family care, and it provides a framework for understanding daily life from the perspective of work-life balance. The purpose of this study was to investigate the household labor time of Korean adults by gender and generation over the last 20 years. Data was taken from the five Statistics Korea Life Time Surveys from 1999 (t1) to 2019 (t5) (n=69,196). The major results are as follows: first, gender and generation were found to have a significant relationship with household labor time over the study period. Household labor time for females was 3.8 times that of males in 1999, but females' household labor time decreased over the next 20 years while males' increased, including both housework and family care. The female participation rate in household work also remained steady, while that for males increased. Second, in the younger and middle generations, a similar gender and generational pattern was seen. Third, in the older generation, household time and participation rates for both females and males increased. The family welfare policy and theoretical implications of these results are discussed.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
• /
• v.32 no.2
• /
• pp.122-168
• /
• 2017

I tried to understand a folk tale "The half-boy" in terms of analytical psychology. In the story, a lady without children prayed to the Buddha. The white old man came and gave three fishes, but the cat ate half of it. So, she ate two and a half. She gave birth to two perfect sons. The third son had one arm, one leg, and one eye. They grew well. Brothers went to take the civil service examinations, and the half-boy followed. But two brothers did not like the half-boy coming along. So, brothers tied the half-boy to the rocks and trees, and he picked them up with force and gave them down to the yard of the house. And the half-boy followed his brothers again, and brothers tied him with kudzu and put him in front of the tiger. The half-boy won the tiger by betting with cutting kudzu. The half-boy stripped off the tiger's skin. The host coveted the tiger skin and they played with janggi. The half-boy won the game and was permitted to take host's daughter. The half-boy went with a string, a drum, a flea, and a bedbug. He teased host's people with these. The half-boy brought a virgin and lived well. "The Half-Boy" folktale is an old story spread throughout the country. There are similar stories in India and Africa. Unilateral figures are universally distributed archetypal images. In numerous cultures gods and spirits are being portrayed as unilateral figures. In the creation mythology, half-figure beings have immortality. In Indonesian and African folk tales, the half-born boy goes to heaven and merges with its half and becomes perfect. Some of one-sided spirits are harmful to humans but some of one-sided birds, chickens, and spirits are helpful to people. Sometimes half being is a cultural hero who steals grain from heaven or gets some advice how to use bamboo. There are stories that half body becomes a whole body afterwards. But in this folktale and most of the similar folktales, half-figure does not change and maintains half-figure to the end. And as a half-figure he does various great things and marries a virgin. The half-boy symbolizes a psychic experience born in the unconscious. The unconscious contents may seem strange and weird at first and the collective consciousness does not want to accept them. But the unconscious exerts greater power and brings vitality and creativity to consciousness. This folk tale seems to have compensated for the stubborn collective consciousness of our society, which was a Confucian class society. It also allows people to change their attitude toward disabled people and recognize strengths and creativity of the handicapped.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.70
• /
• pp.435-466
• /
• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.