• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.175-180
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• 2023

On the day of 24 February 2022, Ukraine was invaded by Russia which signed to ensure definitely the Ukraine's national sovereignty, territorial integrity and security under the UN General Assembly Security Council A/49/765, named as the Budapest Agreement. This invasion is the 2nd invasion succeeded in Crimean Peninsula invasion of March 2014 after the Ukraine's national independence in 1991 from the USSR. However this invasion has been continuing for much more than one year. Although Ukraine President appealed the 'peace' toward Russia and claimed also to justify the Budapest Agreement of 1994 toward U.S.A., even any justifications were not appealed. The critical moment of the national abolition could be escaped from the unified desperate spirit of all nations including the president, political-social leaders and military members. Such patriotic and self-help spirits in Ukraine resulted in the active supports from the U.S.A., western and eastern free democratic countries, NATO and EU, and even the neutral countries. Furthermore these supports are increasing much more day-after-day. The lessons which the Ukraine War offers to the Korean national security should be cored with the development of self-reliant national defense capabilities, self-strenuous efforts and unity strengthening of the Korean-U.S. Alliance with the deep confidence.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.6
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• pp.51-59
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• 2013

Cyberspace, based on the dramatic development of information and communications technology, has brought enormous benefits to mankind. However, concerns over cyber terrorism and cyber attack are becoming serious. It is time to expand the global dialogue on international security issues in cyberspace. It is imperative to have a common understanding that cyberspace, the infrastructure for prosperity, should not be utilized as a space to create conflicts among states, and that all states agree to build confidence and peace in cyberspace. For this purpose, there are 3 tracks of international cooperations: 1)international cooperation such as UN and Conference on Cyberspace, 2)regional cooperations such as ARF and OSCE. 3)bilateral cooperations such US-Russia Cybersecurity Agreement, US-China presidential level dialogue. This paper will analyze the 1st track of international cooperations of UN and Conference on Cyberspace. With this, Korean government can prepare the forthcoming GGE activities and make our own strategy to deal with the global norms of good behaviour in cyberspace.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.1-54
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• 2021

On December 29, 1996, the Guatemala government and guerrilla group "Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemala: URNG" signed the "Guatemalan Peace Agreement," ending the civil war that lasted in Guatemala for 36 years (1960-1996). During the 36-year civil war, 200,000 people were killed or missing, and 400,000 Guatemalans fled Guatemala as a result of the civil war. In June 1954, with the help of the United States, Carlos Castillo Armas (1954-1957) coup d'état in Guatemala overthrew the then government of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán (1950-1954). Armas later became president of Guatemala. Armas was assassinated in 1957, and a 36-year civil war began in 1958 when Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes (1958-1963), a conservative, was elected president. Armas later became president of Guatemala. Armas was assassinated in 1957, and a 36-year civil war began in 1958 when Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes (1958-1963), a conservative, was elected president. Idygoras was rated as America's puppet president for the benefit of American corporations. Although Guatemala's 36-year civil war began with the government of Idigoras, more fundamentally, the 1954 coup d'état was the cause of the 36-year civil war. The purpose of this study is to examine the background and characteristics of the 1954 coup in Guatemala.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.145-167
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• 2016

UN Security Council is entitled to power for determining the existence of the threat to the peace. Specifying the provisions adopted in accordance with the chapter 7 of the UN Charter, its resolution is deemed as document confirming its decision about the threat to the peace. In general, resolutions adopted by the Security Council acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, are considered binding, in accordance with Article 25 of the Charter. Regarding to the terms of the Resolutions to be interpreted, the word "decide" is used as to the suspension of the ballistic missile program, the word "demand" is used as to the stopping of the the launch of ballistic missile, and the word "demand" is used as to return to the missile test moratorium. These provisions may be deemed to determining specific obligations to be imposed upon the States in accordance with the 1967 Outer Space Treaty. On the other hand, the Resolutions may be limited to the decision, not leading to a sort of international legislation, the main purpose of which is to provide a legal basis for international sanctions against Northe Korea. North Korea missile test case has reminded us of continuing discussion about whether the decision of the Security Council lacks the legislative authority due to its decision process. Furthermore, having regard to the outer space and space activities, the outer space law regime would be not compatible with the Security Council decision process in that the former presupposes the agreement among all States parties, while the latter based upon the agreement between Council member States. Therefore, it is premature to consider the Security Council decision as becoming the lex specialis of the space law regime.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.15
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• pp.57-86
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• 2018

The ROKAF has been training for a number of exercise for victory in the war, but the lack of aviation ammunition has become a big issue every year. However, due to the limitation of defense resources, there are many difficulties in securing and stockpiling ammunition for the war readiness. Therefore, there is a need to find a way to secure aviation ammunition for war readiness in a more economical way, so In this study, we analyze the precedent research case and the case of the reduction of the purchase cost of weapon system of other countries, and then I have suggested a plan that is appropriate for our situation. As a result of examining previous research cases for this study, there were data that KIDA studied in 2012, Precision-guided weapons acquisition cost reduction measures pursued by US Air Force And the use of procurement agencies that are being implemented by NATO member countries. Based on this study, the following four measures were proposed to reduce the purchase cost of aviation ammunition. First, the mutual aid support agreement was developed to sign the ammunition joint operation agreement. Second, join the NATO Support & Procurement Agency (NSPA) Third, it builds a purchasing community centered on the countries operating the same ammunition Fourth, participating in the US Air Force's new purchase plan for ammunition and purchase it jointly. The main contents of these four measures are as follows. 1. the mutual aid support agreement was developed to sign the ammunition joint operation agreement. Korea has signed agreements on mutual logistics support with 14 countries including the United States, Israel, Indonesia, Singapore, Australia, and Taiwan. The main purpose of these agreements is mutual support of munitions and materials, also supporting the training of the peace time and promoting exchange and cooperation. However, it is expected that there will be many difficulties in requesting or supporting mutual support in actual situation because the target or scope of mutual aid of ammunition is not clearly specified. Thus, a separate agreement on the mutual co-operation of more specific and expanded concepts of aviation ammunition is needed based on the current mutual aid support agreements 2. join the NATO Support & Procurement Agency (NSPA) In the case of NATO, there is a system in which member countries purchase munitions at a low cost using munitions purchase agencies. It is the NATO Purchasing Agency (NSPA) whose mission is to receive the purchasing requirements of the Member Nations and to purchase them quickly and efficiently and effectively to the Member Nations. NSPA's business includes the Ammunition Support Partnership (ASP), which provides ammunition purchase and disarming services. Although Korea is not a member of NATO, NSPA is gradually expanding the scope of joint procurement of munitions, and it is expected that Korea will be able to join as a member. 3. it builds a purchasing community centered on the countries operating the same ammunition By benchmarking the NSPA system, this study suggested ways to build a purchasing community with countries such as Southeast Asia, Australia, and the Middle East. First, it is necessary to review prospectively how to purchase ammunition by constructing ammunition purchasing community centered on countries using same kind of ammunition. 4. participating in the US Air Force's new purchase plan for ammunition When developing or purchasing weapons systems, joint participation by several countries can reduce acquisition costs. Therefore, if the US Air Force is planning to acquire aviation ammunition by applying it to the purchase of aviation ammunition, we will be able to significantly reduce the purchase cost by participating in this plan. Finally, there are some limitations to the method presented in this study, but starting from this study, I hope that the research on these methods will be actively pursued in the future.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.187-226
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• 2017

North Korea discourse is doubtful. A considerable portion is distorted under political objectives, group identity, and interests. Surely, there are facts based on North Korea's conducts. Apparent deceptions commonly exist as well though. Korean media does not endeavor to set the records straight and there are no revision towards mislead information. This is substantially dangerous as it can misjudge North Korean policies, beget national antipathy, and interferes with rational and constructive policy making. This study stems from such concerns and takes such cases as HEU(Highly Enriched Uranium) suspicion of 2002, dispute covering BDA(Banco Delta Asia)'s counterfeiting, and the abandonment of the Geneva Agreed Framework into consideration. The first part concentrates on fathoming the truth of the three cases. References from US government, academia, think tanks, media were inquired with an addition of secondary material from Korea and China. Secondly it examines whether domestic news properly reflects the precedent facts along the process of discovery. The cause and solution suggested by domestic media were organized and inductively reconstituted to frames. The last study questions the structural factors that reproduces suspicion analogs. Today's dangers facing Korean society are essentially not natural but artificial. This research hopes to foster peace by analyzing related discourses that are infamous to reinterpret reality.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.27-56
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• 2013

The United Nations Command (UNC) and the communist North failed to reach an agreement on where the maritime demarcation line should be drawn in the process of signing a truce after the Korean War because of the starkly different positions on the boundary of their territorial waters. As a result, the Armistice Treaty was signed on July 1953 without clarification about the maritime border. In the following month, Commander of the UNC unilaterally declared the Northern Limit Line (NLL) as a complementing measure to the Armistice. Referring to this, North Korea and its followers in South Korea wrongfully argue that the NLL is a "ghost line" that was established not based on the international law. However, one should note that the waters south of the NLL has always been under South Korea's jurisdiction since Korea's independence from Japan on August 15, 1945. There is no need to ask North Korea's approval for declaring the territorial waters that had already been under our sovereign jurisdiction. We do not need North Korea's approval just as we do not need Japan's approval with regard to our sovereign right over Dokdo. The legal status of the NLL may be explained with the following three characteristics. First, the NLL is a de facto maritime borderline that defines the territorial waters under the respective jurisdiction of the two divided countries. Second, the NLL in the West Sea also serves as a de facto military demarcation line at sea that can be likened to the border on the ground. Third, as a contacting line where the sea areas controlled by the two Koreas meet, the NLL is a maritime non-aggression line that was established on the legal basis of the 'acquiescence' element stipulated by the Inter-Korea Basic Agreement (article 11) and the Supplement on the Non-aggression principle (article 10). Particularly from the perspective of the domestic law, the NLL should be understood as a boundary defining areas controlled by temporarily divided states (not two different states) because the problem exists between a legitimate central government (South Korea) and an anti-government group (North Korea). In this sense, the NLL problem should be viewed not in terms of territorial preservation or expansion. Rather, it should be understood as a matter of national identity related to territorial sovereignty and national pride. North Korea's continuous efforts to problematize the NLL may be part of its strategy to nullify the Armistice Treaty. In other words, North Korea tries to take away the basis of the NLL by abrogating the Armistice Treaty and creating a condition in which the United Nations Command can be dissolved. By doing so, North Korea may be able to start the process for the peace treaty with the United States and reestablish a maritime line of its interest. So, North Korea's rationale behind making the NLL a disputed line is to deny the effectiveness of the NLL and ask for the establishment of a new legal boundary. Such an effort should be understood as part of a strategy to make the NLL question a political and military dispute (the similar motivation can be found in Japan's effort to make Dokdo a disputed Island). Therefore, the South Korean government should not accommodate such hidden intentions and strategy of North Korea. The NLL has been the de facto maritime border (that defines our territorial waters) and military demarcation line at sea that we have defended with a lot of sacrifice for the last sixty years. This is the line that our government and the military must defend in the future as we have done so far. Our commitment to the defense of the NLL is not only a matter of national policy protecting territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction; it is also our responsibility for those who were fallen while defending the North-Western Islands and the NLL.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.287-325
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• 2017

Considering the development of aerospace, military science and technology since the 20th century, the sky is very important for the nation's existence and prosperity. The proverb "Whosoever commands the space commands the world itself!" emphasizes the need for the command of the air. This essay is the first study on the status of airspace after reunification. First, the territorial airspace is over the territory and territorial sea, and its horizontal extent is determined by the territorial boundary lines. Acceptance of the present order is most reasonable, rather than attempting to reconfigure through historical truths about border issues, and it could be supported by neighboring countries in the reunification period. For peace in Northeast Asia, the reunified Korea needs to respect the existing border agreement between North Korea and China or Russia. However, the North Korean straight baselines established in the East Sea and the Yellow Sea should be discarded because they are not available under United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It is desirable for the reunified Korea to redefine the straight baselines that comply with international law and determine the territorial waters up to and including the 12-nautical mile outside it. Second, the Flight Information Region (hereinafter "FIR") is a region defined by the International Civil Aviation Organization (hereinafter "ICAO") in order to provide information necessary for the safe and efficient flight of aircraft and the search and rescue of aircraft. At present, Korea is divided into Incheon FIR which is under the jurisdiction of South Korea and Pyongyang FIR which is under the jurisdiction of North Korea. If North Korea can not temporarily exercise control of Pyongyang FIR due to a sudden change of circumstances, it is desirable for South Korea to exercise control of Pyongyang FIR, and if it is unavoidable, ICAO should temporarily exercise it. In reunified Korea, it is desirable to abolish Pyongyang FIR and integrate it into Incheon FIR with the approval of ICAO, considering systematic management and control of FIR, establishment of route, and efficiency of management. Third, the Air Defense Identification Zone (hereinafter "ADIZ") is a zone that requires easy identification, positioning, and control of aircraft for national security purposes, and is set up unilaterally by the country concerned. The US unilaterally established the Korea Air Defense Identification Area (KADIZ) by the Declaration of Commitment on March 22, 1951. The Ministry of Defense proclaimed a new KADIZ which extended to the area including IEODO on December 13, 2013. At present, North Korea's military warning zone is set only at maritime boundaries such as the East Sea and the Yellow Sea. But in view of its lack of function as ADIZ in relations with China and Russia, the reunified Korea has no obligation to succeed it. Since the depth of the Korean peninsula is short, it is necessary to set ADIZ boundary on the outskirts of the territorial airspace to achieve the original purpose of ADIZ. Therefore, KADIZ of the reunified Korea should be newly established by the boundary line that coincides with the Incheon FIR of the reunified Korea. However, if there is no buffer zone overlapping with or adjacent to the ADIZs of neighboring countries, military tensions may rise. Therefore, through bilateral negotiations for peace in Northeast Asia, a buffer zone is established between adjacent ADIZs.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.17
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• pp.55-89
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• 2003

What are the international aviation regimes? It is said that they are sets of principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures of international aviation around which aviation actors' (states-actors, intergovernmental aviation organization, international aviation conventions, airlines and their organizations etc.) expectations converge in a given aviation issue-area for the purposes of the human welfare and the operations of the stable civil aviation. In this regards, the purposes of this study are focused on the aviation actors' shifts. Chronologically, international aviation regimes have been developed by some stages as followings; The 1st stage is the period from 1944 Chicago Convention to 1978 US Deregulation Act, when the aviation regulations and rules within the international aviation relations were implemented by Chicago-Bermuda regimes as Christer Jonsson pointed out. In this first stage, the sovereignty for the airspace over their countries is absolute. The second stage is the period from 1978 to '1992 Open Skies Agreement' between US and Netherlands. In this regime, airlines' activities as well as state-actors' have been actuated. The third stage is the period from 1992 to the contemporary. In this stage, airlines' activities for the consumers such as 'Open Skies Agreements', 'e-commerce business', 'airspace open policy within EU area', 'service open policy of WTO', and 'airlines' strategic alliance' are the central focal points in the world aviation relationship. In the conclusion, this phenomenon of the core actors in the international aviation rules has been shifted from the states-actors to the non-states actors especially, operating airlines, or consuming customers. Finally, I' d like to suggest that international aviation regimes should be developed to promote and facilitate the globalized level for the people's movements among the global aviation society. That is the way to proceed to the welfare and peace for all human beings of the World.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.216-241
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• 2019

There are 35 cultural properties of fourteen kinds in the Demilitarized Zone known so far, but this number is expected to increase in the future. Among them, Cheolwon-Doseong and Jeongol-Chong of Gimhwa should be the first step toward conservation efforts by conducting a joint investigation through the collaboration of North and South Korea. In particular, the joint investigation of Cheolwon-Doseong will not only remind the North and South that they are the same people who have had common history and cultural traditions for a long time, but will also give symbolic meaning to convert the demilitarized zone into a stage for peace. Since Jeongol-Chong is a mass grave of the fallen soldiers of Pyeongan Province who fought against the invasion of the Qing of China, it should be managed as a national designated cultural asset through joint investigation. In addition, the Demilitarized Zone should become a World Heritage Site because of its importance to the legacy of the Korean War, an international war caused by an ideological confrontation. Furthermore, it has more than 6,000 kinds of temperate forests in addition to 100 species of endangered species and natural monuments. The DMZ is very qualified to be a World Natural Heritage Site, and should be included as a World Complex Cultural Heritage Site that qualifies as a World Heritage and World Natural Heritage Site. In the Demilitarized Zone, we can also find numerous highlands, tunnels and posts used during the Korean War, as well as surveillance posts, a military demarcation line, barbed wire fences, and Panmunjom, which were created by the armistice agreement. it would be desirable to select some of its sections and war facilities and to register them as modern cultural heritage assets. Finally, it is necessary to reconstruct the Dorasan Signal Fire Site, which was the communication facility of a traditional era which connected the South (Dorasan) and North (Gaesong). This would symbolize smooth communication between the two Koreas. In order to prepare for the reckless development of the Demilitarized Zone due to the upcoming cease-fire, the government and cultural asset experts will have to work hard to identify and preserve the cultural properties of the Demilitarized Zone, and they will also have to maintain consistent control over matters such as indiscriminate investigation and mine clearance.