• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.89-106
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• 1983

After accepting the modernized western culture, we, the Koreans, had traditionally patriarchal valuation on the family life, which has been changed into modernize on in these days. Under these circumstances, we examined into family consciousness of workmen, office workers and student of universities in Pusan with questioning papers by inquiring their general views of family, marriage, family planning , and inheritance. The results obtained can be summarized as follows. 1. General views of family 1)Most of them prefer nuclear family to gross one in structure of family. In decision of family's affairs, the lower educated persons want an unilateral relationship, which means unconditional obdience to their parent's opinion. they are more concerned about the profit of the family than that of individual. on the other hand, they want 2-generations nuclear family system. 2) Concerning children's future affairs, they want compromising method. 2. Views of Marriage 1) Date with the other sex motivated their desire to improve social adaptation and social association. 17-19 year old students regard date as a preparatory stage of marriage. They consider it most desirable date to enjoy free conversation each other. They hope their date partners are high educated. 2) The conditions of mate selection are in order character, health, vitality in living, appearance and education. The less educated placed an emphasis on vitality in living. 3) They are not much interested in marital harmony. If parents are against their marriage an account of bad marital harmony, they will take into consideration about it. 4) They wish to keep purity before marriage, as possible. They want engagement period of 6 months. Any agreeable reasons shall compel them to break off their appointment. 5) they consider it ideal for mate's age to be 26-30 years old, and also think it affirmative to follow their parent's agreement in marriage. It is considerable that they put off their marriage only because they have lots of work to do before marriage. 6)Marriage declaration is to be made on the wedding day. It still exists that they don't want to marry when they are inth same surname and family tree. But it is clear that they don't regard it as the reason of breaking off the betrothal. 3. Family Planning 1) They are willing to agree to the campaign "just two is enough". They want a son and a daughter. Even though they have two daughters, they won's bear child to get son. 2) the lower educated persons are ignorant of the method of birth control. 4. Inheritance 1)Most of them say householder inheritance is to be kept up continuously. It is reasonable that anyone who can afford to perform religious service should bear it responsibility. 2)They don't want the difference in inheritance as the conscious to the conscious of the equality of the sexes spread widely into our society, but it is worthy of notice that some of them still don't mind unequal treatment. 3) When they have no child, the property inheritances are in order his wife and his parents. According to above mentions, we conclude like this: Their consciousness of marital harmony, marriage, family planning and inheritance shows definitely passive rationism in the transitional stage which is mixed with western individualism and traditional feudalism. On account of being lack of steady fast self-conscience, they can not make their positive reaction on anything. Finally, we should make every possible efforts to have our firm self-conscience through the re-education.

• Research in Community and Public Health Nursing
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.538-555
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• 2000

The purpose of this study, in which 573 students from 2 high schools in Kang Nung city participated was to identify the attitude and experience of sexual harassment. This information will provide useful data, and promote a more systematic sexual harassment education program. The subjects of this study were 278 male students and 295 female students. The data was collected from September 25 to October 6. 2000. The data was analyzed using the statistical Computer package. SPSS to manipulate the data along with frequency, percentage, and mean t-test. The results from this study were summarized as follows. 1. The results from this comparison between two groups were significant in their attitude on sexual harassment(t=-2.26. p=0.024). Female students had higher scores than male students. 2. As a cause of sexual harassment. 'A man's misjudgement regarding a women as sexual objects(n=130: 22.7%)'. 'Patriarchal system of unequal distribution of power and status between the sexes(n=105: 18.3%)'. 'The effect of sexual stimulatives. (pornography. pornovideo. TV program ect.)(n=89: 15.5%)'. 3. As a countermeasure for prevention, 'Punishment, law and regulation of the sexual harasser(n = 151; 26.4%)', 'A preventive education of sexual harassment in adolescence (n = 125: 21.8%)'. 'Reformation of gender inequality and sex discrimination in the socio-structure(n=76; 13.3%)'. 4. Out of 573 students who participated in this study, 209(36.5%) students reported experiencing an incident of sexual harassment. For 278 males who participated in this study, 88(31.7%) had experienced an incident of sexual harassment. For the 295 females who participated in this study, 121(41.0%) had experienced an incident of sexual harassment. The type of sexual harassment is reported physical sexual harassment(n = 248: 40.5%), verbal sexual harassment(n = 226; 36.7%), and visual sexual harassment(n=139: 22.6%). 5. Their age in which they had experienced harassment was usually 'after 16 years of age(n=122: 58.4%)'. The age of harassers were mostly teenagers(n=112; 53.6%). The relationship to the with sexual harasser was a stranger (n=85; 40.7%), or a friend(n=78: 37.3%). After the incident of sexual harassment occurred, some students informed friends (n=114: 54.5%), 63(30.1%) told no one. Male students' feelings after the experienced harassment ranged from: 'be interesting', 'be pleasant'. Female students' feelings after the experienced harassment ranged from; 'be surprised', 'get a shock', 'fear', 'shame'.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.1047-1059
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• 1998

Senile Dementia is one of the dispositional mental disorder which has been known to the world since Hippocratic age. It has become a wide-spread social problem all over the world because of chronic disease processes and the demands of dependent care for several years as well as improbability of treatment of it at the causal level. Essentially, life styles of the older generation differ from those of the younger generation. While the fomer is used to the patriarchal system and the spirit of filial piet and respect, the latter is pragmatized and individualized under the effects of the Western material civilization. These differences between the two generations cause conflict between family members. In particular, the pain and conflict of care-givers who take care of a totally dependent dementia patient not only is inciting to the collapse of the family union, but is expanding into a serious social problem. According to this practical difficulty, this study has tried to compare dementia care-givers' experiences inter-culturally and to help set up more proper nursing interventions, describing and explaining them through ethnographies by participant observation and in-depth interviews that enable seeing them in a more close, honest and certain way. It also tries to provide a theoetical model of nusing care for dementia patients which is proper to Korean culture. This study is composed of 12 participants (4 males, 8 females) whose ages range from 37-71 years. The relations of patients are 5 spouses(3 husbands, 2 wives), 4 daughters-in-law, 2 daughters, and 1 son-in-law. The following are the care-givers' meaning of experiences that results of the study shows. The first is "psychological conflict". It contains the minds of getting angry, reproaching, being driven to dispair, blaming oneself, giving up lives, and being afraid, hopeless, and resigned. The second is "physical, social and psychological pressure" . At this stage, care-givers are shown to be under stress of both body and soul for the lack of freedom and tiredness. They also feel constraint because they hardly cope with the care and live through others' eyes. The third is "isolation". It makes the relationship of patient care-giver to be estranged, without understanding each other. They, also, experience indifference such as being upset and left alone. The forth is "acceptance" They gradually have compassion, bear up and then adapt themselves to the circumstances they are in. The fifth is "love". Now they learn to reward the other with love. It is also shown that this stage contains the process of winning others' recognition. The final is "hope". In this stage they really want situations to go smoothly and hope everything will be O.K. These consequences enable us to summarize the principles of cue experience such as, in the early stage, negative response such as physical·psychological confusion, pain and conflict are primary. Then the stage of acceptance emerges. It is an initial positive response phase when care-givers may admit their situations. As time passes by a positive response stage emerges. At last they have love and hope. Three stages we noted above : however, there are never consistent situations. Rather it gradually comes into the stage of acceptance, repeating continuous conflict, pressure and isolation. If any interest and understanding of families or the support of surrounding society lack, it will again be converted to negative responses sooner or later. Otherwise, positive responses like hope and love can be encouraged if the family and the surroundings give active aids and understanding. After all, the principles of dementia care experiences neither stay at any stage, nor develop from negative stages to positive stages steadily. They are cycling systems in which negative responses and positive responses are constantly being converted. I would like to suggest the following based on the above conclusions : First, the systematic and planned education of dementia should be performed in order to enhance public relations. Second, a special medical treatment center which deals with dementia, under government's charge, should be managed. Third, the various studies approaching dementia care experiences result in the development of more reasonable and useful nursing guidelines.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.385-426
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• 2008

This paper focuses on how international marriages among Asians have been represented by the Korean media. Due to globalization, the so-called 'ethnoscape' has changed, and so ethnicity or racial identity within the boundaries of the nation-state changed. The recent diaspora of Asian women into Korea through international marriages has reflected how globalization has proceeded at a regional or local level. This paper attempts to analyze Koreanmedia discourses on the Asian female diaspora. This study analyzes what kind of generic forms TV dramas, other shows(TV reality programs, TV journalistic programs), movie and internet have employed to represent international marriages and how they have portrayed the subjectivities of the Asian female diaspora. This study discuss how this representation has been contested by the 'realities' of their international marriages. By examining how the Korean mainstream media have dealt with the conflicting issues of the Asian female diaspora, this paper intends to look critically at how local discursive practices have substantiated the changing ethnoscape. As a result of the study, this paper can find international marriages among Asians have been represented by Korean media still patriarchal system in male-oriented society. The otherness of Asian women justify the strong work of household affairs, and so justified life is standardized 'a kind of daughter- in-law', 'a complaisant daughter-in-law' in the process of migration. Also the otherness of Asian women standardized 'a victor' or 'a harmer' through international marriage of money that commercialized 'sexuality'. After all Korea media discourse on Asian women's international marriage, the gender issues on it have not been focused on a serious level.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.38
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• pp.65-101
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• 2018

In the late Joseon Dynasty, patriarchal ideology became central to the family and the clan, and once again became acutely felt with "the familism of clan rules that centered around a legitimate and eldest son." The establishment of the family-clan system, though somewhat complex, was largely aimed at the family line of "a paternalist-a legitimate and eldest son." The trend was not limited to a particular family, but rather, was a historical and social trend. Changseonggameirok showed how to solve the family crisis by setting up a problem for the next generation's patriarch. This paper tries to explain the issue of Hwachun's complex as the legitimate and eldest son complex. First, it suggests that Hwachun's complex is as universal as the Cain complex, also known as the eldest son complex, and that Hwachun's complex is a special instance of the legitimate and eldest son complex in Changseonggameirok. Next this paper studies the aspects of Hwachun's legitimate and eldest son complex combined with Mrs. Sim's complex, as well as her daughter-in-law's complex, and eventually tracks the development of the family-clan complex. As a result, we've come to a new conclusion that the legitimate and eldest son complex was found in Changseonggameirok for the first time in Korean literary history. This paper also examines the fact that when the legitimate and eldest son complex was transferred to Hwajin, it became a family complex that Hwajin had to contend with; this paper tracks the process wherein Hwajin's filial piety solved the legitimate and eldest son complex. As a result, we realized that Hwajin's filial duty and brotherly love went beyond his feelings for Mrs. Sim and Hwachun, and supported the substantiation for "the familism of a clan that is based on rules of the legitimate and eldest son" in the course of public opinion. However the familism of these rules was not embodied in the absolute; in the royal family, for example, it was rather flexibly implemented when the characters admitted to breaking the law. In addition, this paper provides the room for a critical reading of Changseonggameirok, reflecting back on the underlying guilt and psychological pain of the characters who are affected by the particular rules, and concluding that guilt and suffering are fundamentally insoluble. This is because the two ideas, "the legitimate and eldest son complex" and "the familism of a clan rules centered on a legitimate and eldest son" are two sides of the same coin.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.129-161
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• 2010

Women's social status is marginal in the patriarchal system, therefore it is not easy to express their's desire. Women's social role are restricted by the Confucian culture in the late of Chosun Dinasty. But women freely expressed their's gamseong(感性) by singing the folk songs. Many researches have focused on the reality of life or the structure and meanings of the women's folk songs. On the contrary, no one has paid attention to the gamseong in the women's folk songs. This is the reason why this thesis focused on the aspects of gamseong in the women's folk songs. The aspect of gamseong expression in women's folk songs can be classfied as follow: HAN(恨) resulting from living with one's husband's parents (Si-jip-sa-ri); LONGING caused by parting with the lover; HOPE due to childbirth and bringing up; SHIN-MYOUNG(神明) through deviation and liberation. In conclusion, We can find out women's gamseong would be formed from the their own roles and relationship with the others. Besides they could offset their sorrow and cure their pain through loving others and selfloving.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.67-102
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to analyze the human rights found in the North Korean Constitution and their core problem by focusing on elements of human rights suggested by Daesoon Jinrihoe's doctrine of Haewon-sangsaeng (解冤相生 the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence). Haewon-sangsaeng is seemingly the only natural law that could resolve human resentment lingering from the Mutual Contention of the Former World while leading humans work for the betterment of one another. Haewon-sangsaeng, as a natural law, includes the right to life, the right to autonomous decision-making, and duty to act according to human dignity (physical freedom, the freedom of conscience, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of press, etc.), the right to equal treatment in one's social environment, and the right to ensure the highest level of health through treatment. The North Korean Constitution does not have a character as an institutional device to guarantee natural human rights, the fundamental principle of the Constitution, and stipulates the right of revolutionary warriors to defend dictators and dictatorships. The right to life is specified so that an individual's life belongs to the life of the group according to their socio-political theory of life. Rights to freedom are stipulated to prioritize group interests over individual interests in accordance with the principle of collectivism. The right to equality and the right to health justify discrimination through class discrimination. The right to life provided to North Koreans is not guaranteed due to the death penalty system found within the North Korean Criminal Code and the Criminal Code Supplementary Provisions. The North Korean regime deprives North Koreans of their right to die with dignity through public executions. The North Korean regime places due process under the direction of the Korea Worker's Party, recognizes religion as superstition or opium, and the Korea Worker's Party acknowledge the freedoms of bodily autonomy, religion, media, or press. North Koreans are classified according to their status, and their rights to equality are not guaranteed because they are forced to live a pre-modern lifestyle according to the patriarchal order. In addition, health rights are not guaranteed due biased availability selection and accessibility in the medical field as well as the frequent shortages of free treatments.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.27
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• pp.171-200
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• 2016

This paper will analyze the filial piety based ethics of Daesoonjinrihoe (大巡眞理會) and the traditional filial piety of Confucianism (儒敎), Buddhism (佛敎) and Taoism (道敎) through comparing and contrasting their unique systems. The traditional Korean ethics regarding filial piety are in great need of reformation as the relationship between the parents and children should not be vertical or unilateral but parallel and reciprocal. However, there have not been sufficient in-depth studies on this specific ideology and alternative approaches. Regarding this prospect, one representative Korean indigenous new religion, Daesoonjinrihoe has emerged and directly engages in the collision between traditionalism and modernity. The modernity of Daesoonjinrihoe, enables the observation of how the filial piety based ethics have developed within a system of doctrine and thereby provides an exemplary model of traditional filial piety reimagined in accordance with modern sensibilities. A brief summary of comparative findings is as follows: First, Daesoonjinrihoe and Confucianism have taken serving parents with respect as an ethic within filial piety, but Confucianism engenders this ideal through the unilateral and unconditional sacrifice of younger people based on patriarchal feudalism whereas Daesoonjinrihoe has rejected such unilateral sacrifice and instead promotes mutual beneficience between parents and children. This difference occurs, in part, due to the filial piety of Confucianism rising in the midst of the feudal order whereas the ideology of Daesoonjinrihoe contains ideals such as "the reciprocation of favor for mutual beneficence (報恩相生)" and "respect for humanity (人尊)," both of which serve as key principles of the new religious world as envisioned by Daesoonjinrihoe. Second, filial piety in Buddhism and Taoism tends to be passive and inactive and is often expressed by praying for happiness and longevity for one's parents while they are alive and later praying for the heavenly rebirth of one's parents after they die. The filial piety of Daesoonjinrihoe also partially contains such ideas, however; they are extended much further and arrive upon novel and profound expressions. The spectrum of the filial piety in Daesoonjinrihoe expands to the extent children perform actions to resolve their parent's sins and pave a new road for their parents. This filial piety requires a cultivation practice from both parents and children. This system of dual cultivation was established because the world-view of Daesoonjinrihoe enables both parents and children to enjoy happiness and wealth both of which are achieved through the completion of religious objectives following cultivation practice. Third, Confucianism and Daesoonjinrihoe hold memorial services for ancestors with sincerity as an expression of filial piety. Filial piety in the Confucian context excludes ideas from Shamanism and thereby memorial services are held for impersonal entities, however; in the Daesoonjinrihoe context, memorial services are held for personal-entities. Accordingly, holding a memorial service for ancestors with sincerity has a greater sense of realism in Daesoonjinrihoe than it does in Confucianism. Fourth, while Confucianism and Daesoonjinrihoe both aim to requite the grace received from ancestors, the contents of grace and reciprocation of favors (報恩) are viewed differently. In Confucianism, since the ancestors existed previously and bestowed the gift of life to their children and indirectly, all of their descendents. Therefore, memorial services for ancestors are held to convey gratitude and filial piety. However, in Daesoonjinrihoe, ancestors not only bestowed the gift of earthly life to their descendents, in the spirit realm, ancestral spirits also spend sixty years accumulating the merit necessary to imbue each of their descendents with spiritual insight. Consequently, filial piety is expressed through memorial services as well as spiritual cultivation. Fifth, in Confucianism, achieving the fame and prestige indicative of success in the mundane world can be an act of filial piety as it would bring pride to one's ancestors, but in Daesoonjinrihoe, succeeding in religious objectives through spiritual cultivation is considered to be a higher form of filial piety. Sixth, Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism all observe filial piety as system of familial ethics based in morality. This is likewise true of Daesoonjinrihoe, however; Daesoonjinrihoe confers greater importance on filial piety as an essential form of ethics for religious redemption. This is due to the Daesoon interpretation that the absence of filial piety was the direct cause which led to the sickened state of the world and its collapse. Forgetting the grace of parents who have given the gift of life or the grace of ancestral spirits who have accumulated merit on behalf of their descendents are acts of ingratitude which are unacceptable during the period of Reordering of the Universe. Judging from these findings, Daesoonjinrihoe embraces parts of traditional filial piety as it exists in Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism, but it does so on the ground of its own unique culture. Through re-interpretation and re-creation, ideas regarding filial piety are being further developed. Namely, filial piety in Daesoonjinrihoe is regulations founded upon the reciprocation of favors for mutual beneficence and respect for humanity. Therefore, it is understood as a concept wherein one's own cultivation practice is performed in order to reach religious objectives, the perfection of personal character, and spiritual insight. This requires that even recipents of filial piety (i.e., parents) perform certain cultivation practices to enjoy happiness and wealth. Additionally, filial piety in Daesoonjinrihoe manifests a reinforced religious character and also serves as a system ethics which is soteriologically essential for salvation during the period known as the Reordering of the Universe.