• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.77-85
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• 2003

The following results are from a research on the influences of the political parties on the fashion styles. which political power was strugg1ed with each other were one of the political Phenomena featuring Chosun Dynasty. Partisan fashion styles are mainly divided into two groups : NohRon (노론) and SohRon (소론). Nonetheless. NmIn (남인) also shows several unique traits. BukIn (북인). however, does not seem to be retaining any unique styling features. which believed to be caused by lack of political Power. The style of NohRon represents the status of a ruling party, which generally had abundant resources and the image of a conservatism. On the contrary, with SohRon's style, swiftness and reform-minded images could be found. Moreover, the NohRon's style is generally known to present, as the representing the way of noble men of Chosun Dynasty wore in the past. The reason seems to have stemmed from its status as the last ruling party in Chosun Dynasty. Thus, many people of the age mimicked the style, and it gained general acceptance in turns. Consequently, it is still deemed as the prevalent style of Chosun Dynasty.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.531-550
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• 2018

This paper contemplates egalitarian ethics and ecumenical consumerism suggesting expansive possibilities of Northern Ireland's sectarian limits towards unlimited spatialities in Robert McLiam Wilson's Belfast novel, Eureka Street. This paper argues that Northern Ireland's (Belfast's) (post)modernity and a social ethics promoting outwardly mediated relationships are a vision for nonidentity Eureka Street espouses against the identity politics of Protestant-Catholic schism. Eureka Street remarkably challenges Northern Irish sectarian politics propelling inwardly unmediated relationships by ethical possibilities of infinitively mediated relationships. In the argument for a postmodern view of the novel, commodity fetishism and consumerism are considered as key to a prospect of emancipation of Northern Ireland from the political fetters of total identity the partisan communities impose on themselves. This paper also demonstrates that a post-national cosmopolitanism Eureka Street envisages embraces a new social solidarity predicated upon socio-political pluralisms against Northern Irish sectarian identities.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.5-32
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• 2020

This study analyzes the political dynamics of the election law reform in December 2019, from a perspective of the veto player theory combined with the partisan theory. Three features are revealed in the reform process of the electoral system. First, the number of cooperative veto players was higher than that of competitive veto players, that provided a favorable condition for policy changes. Second, concerning the ideological distance between veto-players (congruence) the possibility of policy change was evaluated as quite small. Especially in the fourth to fifth periods, the congruence between the cooperative veto players and competitive veto players was extremely weak. Third, the internal coherence of cooperative veto players was relatively weak, while the internal coherence of competitive veto players was relatively strong. That acted as a limiting factor in policy changes. In other words, there was a high possibility of policy changes in the number of cooperative veto players, but the possibility of policy change was relatively restricted in the congruence between veto players and the cohesion of veto players. That explains the limited nature of the election law reform.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.119-125
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• 2020

Based on an online experiment, this research examined how uncivil expressions made by participants from the same political partisan group (in-group) influenced the emotional and behavioral intentions of other in-group members, especially when the incivility was supported by social recommendations such as "recommendations." As predicted, results showed that a higher level of vicarious shame was felt when participants perceived higher levels of incivility. However, no significant effects of social recommendations were found regarding levels of vicarious shame. That is, the level of shame was not significantly different between participants who were exposed to an in-group uncivil comment that received recommendations and participants who were exposed to in-group uncivil comment without recommendations. Findings further found two types of coping strategies -situation-reparation and situation-avoidance - among participants exposed to in-group uncivil comments. Yet no significant effects were found regarding coping strategies in response to the presence of social recommendations. Participants' feelings of shame were positively correlated with both types of coping strategies, supporting findings of previous studies. Implications of this study are further discussed.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.11
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• pp.578-592
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• 2019

This study investigated the main effect and interaction effect of independent variables such as news fatigue, political sophistication, knowledge system of news, and news view on reflective news use and partisan news use. This study employed multiple regression analysis and Two way ANOVA. The positive relationship between news fatigue and critical news use strategies was found. Exploring the factors to news processing strategies, the study suggested the potential direction of news education.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.549-566
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• 2008

This study examines the effect of social conservative values that have risen as an important factor in American politics. Focusing on the abortion issue, it discusses how the abortion issue has affected American voters' issue and party preferences and their ideological orientations. The empirical results demonstrate that the abortion issue has contributed to reinforce the existing ideological and partisan divisions, although it has not realigned them. As a consequence, the abortion issue has become a significant determinant for vote choice since 1980s. Particularly in 1990s, when the polarization among the political elites became clear, the political effect of the abortion issue appears to be more evident.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.63-92
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• 2019

What motivates split-ticket voting in mixed electoral systems, where voters choose one party in district races and another party on the party list ballot? While much of the literature assumes strategic intent, three aspects commonly are overlooked: the competitiveness of district races, the presence of a district candidate from one's preferred party, and whether voters know the electoral threshold for party list seats. Furthermore, few studies disaggregate types of split-ticket voting (e.g. not voting for one's preferred party in a district vs. party list). Taiwan provides an intriguing case study for analysis, not only as a relatively new adopter of a mixed system, but also the presence of additional conditions that would encourage at least the consideration of a split ticket. Using survey data from the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) after the Taiwan's 2016 Legislative Yuan election, this analysis finds that knowing the threshold, the winner's margin, and the placement of a district candidate from one's preferred party all influence split-ticket voting among those with a partisan preference. However, closer inspection identifies a distinction between defecting from the district versus the party list. Evidence shows that district competitiveness and candidate placement influences defection from the district candidate, while the electoral threshold influences defection from the party list. The results add to our understanding of strategic and non-strategic incentives in mixed systems.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.7
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• pp.352-367
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• 2020

This study critically reviewed whether the South Korean press reported the issue of conflict between South Korea and Japan in a way consistent with their journalistic values. To this end, this study conducted frame analysis and textual analysis for the articles of three press(Chosun Ilbo, Hankyoreh and KBS) from the three major branches of conflict (Korea's Supreme Court's ruling on forced labor compensation in October 2018, the Japanese government's decision to regulate exports in July 2019 and the Korean government's decision to end GSOMIA in August 2019) to one week. There were many superficial reports of simply relaying conflicts around the occurrence and outcome of events, and there were few reports that analyzed the context in depth or suggested alternatives. And partisan reporting, which is cited as a key issue in the Korean journalism, has been strongly revealed in the midst of a conflict between Korea and Japan, a national emergency situation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.10
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• pp.486-505
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• 2014

is the winner of Grand Jury Prize in World Cinema-Dramatic at Sundance Film Festival 2013 and made high Box Office performance in Korean Indie Film distribution. tells the story of the horrific massacre of 30,000 civilians at Jeju Island in Korea in 1948. Civilians were killed by Korean Army under the supervision of U. S. Army and by the Korean Communist partisan. From the Statistical Style Analysis, has a lot in common with Ming-liang Tsai's movies and similar traits of art cinema. According to David Boardwell, Art Cinema is intensify the traditional continuity through selection and concentration rather than become the Alternative, Oppositional film practice of Mainstream Classical Hollywood Cinema.