• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.292-307
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• 2019

Buddhists have always tended to adorn and embellish Buddhist statues and their surrounding spaces in order to exhibit the grandeur and sublime nature of the Buddha. The various kinds of splendid instruments and implements used in such ornamentation are collectively called jangeomgu in Korean. Thus, the term jangeomgu encompasses articles used to decorate Buddhist statues, halos, and baldachin, as well as Buddhist banners and wind chimes, which are generally hung outside a building. Wind chimes are still widely used at Buddhist temples. In China, judging from various structures such as the Wooden Stupa of Yongningsi in Luoyang and the Dunhuang Caves, wind chimes began to be used around the sixth century. As for Korea, Buddhism was first introduced from China during the Three Kingdoms Period, and Koreans accordingly began to build Buddhist temples and buildings. It would appear that wind chimes came to be used around the time that the first temples were built. The oldest extant wind chime in Korea is the gilt-bronze wind chime of Baekje, discovered at the Mireuksa Temple Site in Iksan. In general, Korean wind chimes dating from the Three Kingdoms Period are classified into two general types according to their shape and elevation, i.e., those shaped like a Buddhist bell and those shaped like a trapezoid. As these two forms of wind chimes have influenced each other over time, those made during the Goryeo dynasty, having inherited the style, structure, and design of the preceding period, display such features. At the same time, the artisans who produced wind chimes pursued technical development and adopted free, yet not extravagant, designs. In particular, Goryeo wind chimes are characterized by original designs created through exchanges with other Buddhist art forms of the same period, such as the embossed lotus design band of Goryeo bells; the bullmun design, which served to display the grandeur of the royal family; the samhwanmun design, which consisted of decorating the interior of a Goryeo incense burner with three holes; Sanskrit designs; and designs inspired by the windows and doors of stone pagodas. In this way, the production of Goryeo wind chimes developed with a focus on purpose while being free of formal constraints. This study started out from the fact that the largest number of Korean wind chimes were produced during the Goryeo dynasty. Therefore, research on wind chimes should be based on those of the Goryeo dynasty, especially since fewer relevant studies have been conducted compared to studies on other forms of Buddhist art. For the purposes of this study, the reasons for the production of wind chimes will be examined first, followed by an examination of the various styles of Korean wind chimes. Then, based on the findings of this investigation, the development and characteristics of the wind chimes produced during the Goryeo dynasty will be explored for each period.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.48
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• pp.333-368
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• 2012

Dans l'histoire du $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ $cor{\acute{e}}en$, la position de Chae yoon-il est $tr{\grave{e}}s$ $particuli{\grave{e}}re$. Il a $consacr{\acute{e}}$, dans ses $carri{\grave{e}}res$ de la mise en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$, toute son ${\acute{e}}nergie$ au $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ sans jamais $fl{\acute{e}}chir$ contre le pouvoir dictatorial. Un critique a dit que son $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ est semblable au $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de la $cruaut{\acute{e}}$. Pourtant, dans la mesure $o{\grave{u}}$ il respecte le texte dramatique, et que son $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ a des tendances de la politique et qu'il oriente l'engagement du spectateur, il est certain que son $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ est loin du $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de la $cruaut{\acute{e}}$. Ses $proc{\acute{e}}d{\acute{e}}s$ de la mise en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ sont $tr{\grave{e}}s$ divers et il n'y a pas de $coh{\acute{e}}rences$ au niveau des styles dramatiques. $Malgr{\acute{e}}$ cela, nous pouvons trouver son $originalit{\acute{e}}$ de la mise en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ dans la rencontre avec Lee hyun-wha. Le metteur en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ ${\acute{e}}tablit$ son $esth{\acute{e}}tique$ $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}trale$ en montant sur $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ de cinq $pi{\grave{e}}ces$ de Lee hyun-wha. Alors, en effet qu'est-ce que $l^{\prime}esth{\acute{e}}tique$ de la mise en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ de Chae yoon-il produite par les ${\oe}uvres$ $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}trales$ de Lee hyun-wha? Dans les $pi{\grave{e}}ces$ de Lee hyun-wha, il y a beaucoup de codes symboliques de la violence sexuelle comme le sadisme et le masochisme. L'implusion sexuelle $cach{\acute{e}}e$ dans le subconscient des personnages s'entrecroise avec le $m{\acute{e}}canisme$ du pouvoir politique. Alors, les abus sexuels et les mauvais traitements sur le corps deviennent une sorte de torture. L'expression cruelle des langages $sc{\acute{e}}niques$ n'est autre que la $r{\acute{e}}volte$ contre la $r{\acute{e}}alit{\acute{e}}$ actuelle de la politique. Son $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de torture est donc une sorte de $m{\acute{e}}canisme$ de la catharsis pour dissiper le cauchemar et l'inconscient noir. La fantasie sexuelle construite par le monde inconscient de l'auteur dramatique $s^{\prime}{\acute{e}}panouit$ dans le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de Chae yoon-il qui $r{\hat{e}}ve$ toujours l'esprit de la $libert{\acute{e}}$. Une des convictions dramatiques du metteur en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$, c'est que le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ tout d'abord doit ${\hat{e}}tre$ choquant. Il dit : "l'art doit ${\hat{e}}tre$ ${\grave{a}}$ la fois ${\acute{e}}mouvant$ et bouleversant. Cependant, dans la mesure $o{\grave{u}}$ le film ou la $t{\acute{e}}l{\acute{e}}vivion$ fait aujourd'hui une vive impression aux spectateurs, la part $donn{\acute{e}}e$ au $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ est le choc." Pour donner le choc aux spectateurs, le style de la torture est $tr{\grave{e}}s$ utile. $L^{\prime}esth{\acute{e}}tique$ $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tral$ du metteur en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ respecte essentiellement l'intention de l'auteur. $N{\acute{e}}anmois$, le respect sur l'original ne se $d{\acute{e}}range$ pas $l^{\prime}interpr{\acute{e}}tation$ de son propre $id{\acute{e}}e$. Dans l'insistance de la torture, l'analyse rituelle sous la base du choc, il projecte le symbole $arch{\acute{e}}typal$ sur $sc{\grave{e}}ne$. Bien $s{\hat{u}}r$, il renforce le $caract{\grave{e}}re$ de la politique dans le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de torture pour inviter des spectateurs de l'engagement. D'ailleurs, il y a l'aspect d'absurde dans le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de torture qui insiste des violences ${\grave{a}}$ travers les langages $sc{\acute{e}}niques$ comme le $m{\acute{e}}tal$ froid, parce que le metteur en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ $consid{\grave{e}}re$ que $l^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre$ humain vit dans l'absurde.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.34
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• pp.221-250
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• 2012

This paper introduces the characteristics of the records and archives management of Korea from Joseon dynasty to now. This paper also explains historical background of making the records and archives management in Joseon dynasty. This paper introduces the process of establishment of modern records management system by adopting records management system and public administration of USA after liberation in 1945. The Joseon bureaucrats established systematic methodologies for managing and arranging the records. Jeseon dynasty managed its records systematically since it was a bureaucratic regime. It is also noticeable that the famous Joseonwangjosilrok(Annals of Joseon dynasty) came out of the power struggles for the control of the national affairs between the king and the nobility during the time of establishment of the dynasty. Another noticeable feature of the records tradition in Joseon dynasty was that the nobility recorded their experience and allowed future generations use and refer their experiences and examples when they performed similar business. The records of Joseon period are the historical records which recorded contemporary incidents and the compilers expected the future historians evaluate the incidents they recorded. In 1894, the reformation policy of Gaboh governments changed society into modernity. The policy of Gaboh governments prescribed archive management process through 'Regulation(命令頒布式)'. They revised the form of official documents entirely. They changed a name of an era from Chinese to unique style of Korean, and changed original Chinese into Korean or Korean-Chinese together. Also, instead of a blank sheet of paper they used printed paper to print the name of each office. Korea was liberated from Japanese Imperialism in 1945 and the government of Republic of Korea was established in 1948. In 1950s Republic of Korea used the records management system of the Government-General of Joseon without any alteration. In the late of 1950's Republic of Korea constructed the new records management system by adopting records management system and public administration of USA. However, understanding of records management was scarce, so records and archives management was not accomplished. Consequently, many important records like presidential archives were deserted or destroyed. A period that made the biggest difference on National Records Management System was from 1999 when was enacted. Especially, it was the period of President Roh's five-year tenure called Participation Government (2003-2008). The first distinctive characteristic of Participation Government's records management is that it implemented governance actively. Another remarkable feature is a nomination of records management specialists at public institutions. The Participation Government also legislated (completely revised) . It led to a beginning of developing records management in Republic of Korea.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.265-291
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• 2014

Cheongeumrok is the journal of Gwonwoo(卷宇) Hong Chan-yu(1915-2005) during the period of January 9, 1969~January 14, 1982. He was personally involved in the foundation of a corporation called Yudohoi and also all of its operation, which makes him the most knowledgeable person about its history. His Cheongeumrok thus seems worthy enough as a proper material to arrange its history. Cheongeumrok consists of total 19 books, amounting to approximately 3,300 pieces of squared manuscript paper containing 200 letters per piece. He wrote it in Chinese and sometimes followed the Hangul-style word order while writing in Chinese. Many parts of the manuscript were written in a cursive hand with many Chinese poems embedded throughout it. The manuscript offers major information related to the corporation Yudohoi extracted from his journal. 1. There was a meeting of promoters to commemorate the foundation of the corporation in November, 1968, and it was in January, 1969 that it was established after getting a permit from the Ministry of Culture and Communication in January, 1969(Permit No. of Ministry of Culture and Communication: Da(다)-2-3(Jongmu(宗務)1732.5)). 2. Its office was moved from the original location of the 3rd floor of Wonnam Building, 133-1 Wonnam-dong, Jongro-gu, Seoul(currently Daekhak Pharmacy in front of Seoul National University Hospital) to Room 388 of Gwangjang Company, 4 Yeji-dong, Jongro-gu(office of Heungsan Social Gathering) and to second floor of KyungBo building, 21 Kyansu-dong, and to 3rd floor of Geongguk Building in Gyeongwoon-dong. 3. Its operational costs were covered by the supports of Seong Sang-yeong, the eldest son of Seong Jong-ho, the chairman of the board, later Kim Won-tae and Gwon Tae-hun, next chairmen of the board, and Hong Chan-yun, a director, since 1979. 4. His Confucian activities include participating in Seonggyungwan Seokjeonje (成均館 釋奠), joining in the erection of the Parijangseo(巴里長書) Monument and the publication of its commemorative poetry book, compiling the biographies(not completed) of Confucian patriotic martyrs for independence, and participating in the establishment of family rituals and regulations as a practice member. 5. His Yudohoi had a dispute with Seonggyungwan and lost a suit at the High Court in July, 1975 and Supreme Court in February, 1976. 6. There were discussions about its unification with Seonggyungwan Yudohoi, but there was hardly any progress. 7. Yudohoi started to provide full-scale courses on Confucian and Chinese classics under the leadership of Director Hong Chan-yu in 1979, and they have continued on today. Its courses for scholarship students including those for common citizens boast a history of 29 years and 220 graduates.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.69-97
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• 2021

'Déconstruction' is a system of thought that induces the emergent property that characterizes contemporary philosophy. The tradition of ancient Greek philosophy evolved over and over again, giving rise to the Renaissance and Enlightenment. It seemed to have reached its end under the historical perspective of modernity. However, contemporary philosophy wanted to see more possibilities through the deconstruction of modern philosophy. If modern philosophy dreams of a strange cohabitation between God and man with the humanistic completion of Plato's philosophy, modern philosophy rejects even that through deconstruction. Although Plato's classical metaphysics is a stable system centered around the absolute, it is ultimately based on God and religion. Under that system, human autonomy is only the autonomy bestowed by God. Contemporary philosophy is one of the results of efforts that try to begin philosophy from the original human voice through deconstruction. Instead of epistemology dependent on metaphysics, they wanted to establish epistemology from human existence and realize the best good that would set humans free through deconstruction. As such, it is no mistake to say that deconstruction is also an extension of the modern topic of human freedom. Deconstruction and human freedom act as one body in that the two cannot be separated from each other. Oddly enough, Daesoon Thought, which seems to have religious faith and traditional conservatism as main characteristics, has an emergent property that encompasses modern and contemporary times. The period of Korea, when Kang Jeungsan was active and founded Daesoon Thought, has an important meaning for those who have a keen view of history. Such individuals likely think that they have found a valuable treasure. This is because that period was a time when ideological activities were conducted due to an intense desire to discover the meaning of human freedom and envision a new world without copying the ways of the West. Instead they looked to face internal problems and raise people's awareness through subjectivity. In other words, the subtle ideas created by Korea's self-sustaining liberalism often take the form of what is commonly called new religions in modern times. Among these new religions, Daesoon Thought, as a Chamdonghak (true Eastern Learning), aims to spread a particular modern value beyond modern times through the concept of Haewon (the resolution of grievances) that was proclaimed by Jeungsan. The Haewon espoused in Daesoon Thought is in line with the disbandment of modern philosophy in that it contains modernity beyond modern times. First, Haewon means to resolve the fundamental resentment of human existence, which arose from Danju's grievance. Secondly, Haewon in Daesoon Thought encompasses the Haewon of the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity centers on a Haewon-esque style of existence called Injon (Human Nobility). Haewon in Daesoon Thought can be understood in the same context as Derrida's philosophy of Deconstruction. Modern deconstruction attempts to expose the invisible structures and bonds within human society and attempt to destroy them. In a similar way, Haewon endeavors to resolve the conflicts among the Three Realms by releasing the bonds of fundamental oppression that hinder the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.457-507
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to explore the formal and content features of the material for the Changgeuk album , which was produced and released in 1971. Changgeuk album was produced and published as a headword for "Changgeuk". However, it differs from the style of Changgeuk which is treated as a stage drama in that the narrative is developed around the commentary and dialogue in the formal aspect and the Pansori is only partially used. The styles of Changgeuk, implemented through gramophone record, radio broadcasts and television broadcasts, varied widely, unlike those of Changgeuk established in the 1930s. Pansori music wasn't the only center, and traditional performers weren't even the main members of the play. The characteristic form of the Changgeuk album is an experiment of Changgeuk that emerged naturally with radio reading and the advent of radio dramas in the 1950s and 1960s. So it is necessary to pay attention to the Changgeuk album in that it shows diverse forms of experiments conducted by Changgeuk in the newly introduced culture and media in the middle and late 20th century As for the contents of the Changgeuk album , the work embraces Lee Jong ik 's novel (1957), but develops the narrative centering on the life of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師). And it is faithfully portraying the life of a Buddhist monk and the national salvation hero who pursued the original work. This content composition can be understood in the will of singer Lee Yong bae, the soundman who produced the album, and in the flow of historical dramas that summon the historical hero of the old country of the time to the stage. Singer Lee Yong bae reflects on his life in the past when he was full of greed and conceit through his life as a monk of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師) and is greatly impressed by the personal aspect of Saint Sa-myung(四溟大師), and these emotions encouraged his creative will. Also, the Changgeuk record is meaningful in that it is one of the specific materials that embodies the national hero as a record and a traditional play under the discourse of the people, the nation in the 1970s.

• Journal of Venture Innovation
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.109-115
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• 2022

As the 4th industrial revolution progresses, foreign countries are promoting smart manufacturing innovation through digital transformation as a priority task early on to secure a competitive edge in the manufacturing industry. In response, the Korean government is also promoting a policy to enhance the competitiveness of small and medium-sized manufacturing companies by promoting digital transformation in the corporate sector to meet the global trend of the 4th industrial revolution era. Manufacturing powerhouses such as Germany and Japan see manufacturing as a key sector in digital transformation and are leading related policies, while emerging countries such as China are also promoting manufacturing innovation strategies such as building digital infrastructure and creating a digital innovation ecosystem. Korea is promoting the 'Korean-style smart factory dissemination and expansion strategy' by transforming Germany's manufacturing innovation strategy for smart factory supply to suit the domestic situation. However, the policy to supply smart factories so far has been conducted with support from individual companies under the leadership of the government, and most of the smart factories are at the basic level, and it is evaluated that there are limitations such as the lack of manpower to operate smart factories. In addition, while the current policy focuses on expanding the supply of smart factories in SMEs, it is necessary to establish a smart manufacturing system through linkages between large and small businesses in order to achieve the original goal of establishing a smart manufacturing system. Therefore, it can be said that from the standpoint of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), who are consumers of smart factories, it can be said that the digital transformation policy can achieve the expected results only when appropriate incentives are provided for the introduction of smart factories in a situation where management resources such as funds, technology, and human resources are lacking. In addition, it is judged that the uncertainty of the performance of digital investment always exists, and as long as large and small companies are maintained as an ecosystem of delivery and subcontracting, there is very little incentive for small and medium-sized manufacturing companies to voluntarily invest in or advance digital transformation. Therefore, the digital transformation policy of small and medium-sized manufacturing companies in the future has practical significance in that it suggests that there is a need to seek ways to attract SMEs' digital-related voluntary investment.

• Geophysics and Geophysical Exploration
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.26-32
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• 1999

Among the various seismic data processing sequences, the velocity analysis is the most time consuming and man-hour intensive processing steps. For the production seismic data processing, a good velocity analysis tool as well as the high performance computer is required. The tool must give fast and accurate velocity analysis. There are two different approches in the velocity analysis, batch and interactive. In the batch processing, a velocity plot is made at every analysis point. Generally, the plot consisted of a semblance contour, super gather, and a stack pannel. The interpreter chooses the velocity function by analyzing the velocity plot. The technique is highly dependent on the interpreters skill and requires human efforts. As the high speed graphic workstations are becoming more popular, various interactive velocity analysis programs are developed. Although, the programs enabled faster picking of the velocity nodes using mouse, the main improvement of these programs is simply the replacement of the paper plot by the graphic screen. The velocity spectrum is highly sensitive to the presence of the noise, especially the coherent noise often found in the shallow region of the marine seismic data. For the accurate velocity analysis, these noise must be removed before the spectrum is computed. Also, the velocity analysis must be carried out by carefully choosing the location of the analysis point and accuarate computation of the spectrum. The analyzed velocity function must be verified by the mute and stack, and the sequence must be repeated most time. Therefore an iterative, interactive, and unified velocity analysis tool is highly required. An interactive velocity analysis program, xva(X-Window based Velocity Analysis) was invented. The program handles all processes required in the velocity analysis such as composing the super gather, computing the velocity spectrum, NMO correction, mute, and stack. Most of the parameter changes give the final stack via a few mouse clicks thereby enabling the iterative and interactive processing. A simple trace indexing scheme is introduced and a program to nike the index of the Geobit seismic disk file was invented. The index is used to reference the original input, i.e., CDP sort, directly A transformation techinique of the mute function between the T-X domain and NMOC domain is introduced and adopted to the program. The result of the transform is simliar to the remove-NMO technique in suppressing the shallow noise such as direct wave and refracted wave. However, it has two improvements, i.e., no interpolation error and very high speed computing time. By the introduction of the technique, the mute times can be easily designed from the NMOC domain and applied to the super gather in the T-X domain, thereby producing more accurate velocity spectrum interactively. The xva program consists of 28 files, 12,029 lines, 34,990 words and 304,073 characters. The program references Geobit utility libraries and can be installed under Geobit preinstalled environment. The program runs on X-Window/Motif environment. The program menu is designed according to the Motif style guide. A brief usage of the program has been discussed. The program allows fast and accurate seismic velocity analysis, which is necessary computing the AVO (Amplitude Versus Offset) based DHI (Direct Hydrocarn Indicator), and making the high quality seismic sections.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.