• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• 무역학회지
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• 제44권1호
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• pp.285-299
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• 2019

The 'One Belt One Road (OBOR)' initiative, which was promulgated as part of the enlargement policy along with the advent of Xi Jinping in 2013, is a policy to expand China's political and economic power externally through linkages with neighboring countries. China's overseas port investment plays an important role in the promotion of the 'OBOR' policy from the coast of China through maritime transportation routes from S.E Asia to Mediterranean and Europe. Since China's overseas port investment has been made from several factors such as political, economic, and military motives, it differs in purpose and character from investments made by private companies, such as Global Port Operators(GTO) which consider profitability first. This study aims to address future prospects and implications by analyzing the geopolitics of China's overseas port investment under the 'One Belt One Road' initiative. According to the results, China's overseas port investment is dominated by state-owned enterprises and political and security factors are more important than profitability. China's overseas port investment has been on a large scale in a short period of time, and China has faced with various problems both domestically and internationally. such as debt default, environmental problems, subordination problems from recipient countries and political and military confrontation with great countries such as United States, Japan and India etc.

• 지식경영연구
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.59-88
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• 2020

중국의 신(新)실크로드 구상인 일대일로(一帶一路) 전략은 중국 내륙지역을 중심으로 한 육상 실크로드와 연해지역을 중심으로 한 해상 실크로드로 나뉜다. 육상 실크로드는 대외교류 확대를 위해 주변 인접국가와의 인프라 연결 및 무역원활화 추진에 더욱 역점을 두고 있다. 해상 실크로드는 해상 인프라 구축과 해양 협력 강화를 일대일로 전략의 핵심으로 제시하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 일대일로의 오통 중에 경제협력과 가장 관련이 깊은 인프라, 자금, 무역 부문의 일대일로 진행상황에 대해 데이터를 기반으로 평가를 개괄하고, 아시아 국가와 특히 중국의 경제에 의존도가 심화되고 있는 북한의 일대일로 전략의 진행상황을 분석하였다. 중국은 일대일로 전략을 아시아 국가들과 인프라 연결을 위한 협력 체계 및 계획을 수립하고 협력 프로젝트를 추진해왔다. 그러나 아직까지 관련 프로젝트의 실행은 초기 단계에 머물러 있는 것으로 파악된다. 자금융통은 그 수준이 높지 않으며 지역별, 국가별, 항목별 격차가 크고 앞으로도 빠른 발전은 어려워 보인다. 무역창통 수준은 인프라 연결이나 자금융통보다 활발하게 무역교류와 투자협력이 이루어지고 있음을 보여주고 있다. 최근 글로벌 경기 침체에 따라 중국의 전체 무역량은 감소하였지만 일대일로 아시아 국가들과 무역규모는 크게 증가하였으며, 투자협력도 직접투자규모가 크게 증대되고 있음을 파악하였다. 아울러 일대일로 추진에 있어서 중국의 ICT 기업의 활약이 두드러지면서 중국의 디지털 일대일로가 아시아국가로 빠르게 확산되고 있다. 중국의 ICT기업은 일대일로의 인접국가인 동남아를 공략하면서 기술 수출과 콘텐츠 수출 등의 방식을 통해 현지에 서비스와 기술 지원을 제공하고, 문화 융합을 추진하는 등 디지털 트랜스포메이션을 주도하고 있다.

• 융합정보논문지
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• 제8권5호
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• pp.251-261
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• 2018

중국은 ICT 기술의 발전에 힘입어 스마트 농업분야에서 선진국을 급격히 추격하고 있다. 본 논문에서는 추격이론을 이용하여, 중국의 양대 국가 전략인 중국제조2025와 일대일로 전략이 스마트농업을 발전시키는데 있어서 어떻게 "기회의 창"을 제공하는지 분석하고자 한다. 시간 차원의 기술 선진화 전략인 '중국제조2025'와 공간 차원의 시장 확대 전략인 '일대일로' 정책이 T자형 상승 작용을 이루어 스마트 농업의 발전을 이끌고 있음을 단계 생략형, 경로 창출형, 경로 추종형 3가지 유형으로 나누어 설명하였다. 한국 스마트 농업의 주요 수출 시장이며, 글로벌 시장에서 강력한 경쟁자인 중국 스마트 농업에 대한 이해를 통해 한국 스마트 농업의 해외진출 전략에 대한 시사점을 도출하였다.

• 무역학회지
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• 제47권6호
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• pp.307-333
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• 2022

In recent years, the outward foreign direct investment (oFDI) in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by Chinese companies has significantly increased in size and changed in content. However, changes in the oFDI patterns between the pre- and post-BRI periods have not received sufficient attention from academia despite their theoretical and strategic significance. This paper reviewed existing research to establish seven hypotheses on changes in the oFDI patterns of Chinese companies investing in BRI countries and conducted empirical analyses to test the hypotheses using secondary data. The results showed that after the BRI agreement, Chinese oFDI in BRI countries was more active in less economically and less institutionally developed countries, that the oFDI by privately-owned enterprises (POEs) increased more than that of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and that SOEs were more active in the social overhead capital (SOC) area while POEs were more active in the non-SOC area. The paper concludes with a summary, implications, and future research directions.

• 무역학회지
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• 제45권3호
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• pp.35-54
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• 2020

China's 'One Belt One Road' initiative has had a profound impact on China's relationship with Central Asia, which shares borders at North-western region. Central Asia plays an important role in securing the export market of Chinese products, supply of raw materials, and transportation route to Europe. The inland port is of significance to facilitate the development of logistics, trade and industry in the surrounding areas by enabling the distribution and import and export clearance in the region by performing the role of the seaport on the hinterland. The purpose of this study is to analyze the effect of the development of inland ports in central and western China on the geopolitical relationship between China and Central Asia. To this end, we analyze the status of inland port development in China's Midwest by employing the SWOT-PEST analysis method to analyze the current status as well as prospects of trade, investment and transportation routes with Central Asia in terms of geopolitics. As a result of the analysis, the relations between China and Central Asian Countries are becoming more politically and economically close, but it has brought about serious challenges by domestic and foreign environmental changes. Therefore, the development of the inland ports in central and western China are determined by the geopolitical relations under 'One Belt One Road' initiative between China and Central Asia, while the development of the inland port is also expected to serve as a catalyst for the development of both regions.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제15권9호
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• pp.189-200
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• 2017

본 연구는 중국과 일대일로 사업에 참여하고 있는 국가들의 상호간 무역 의존성을 분석하여 특징과 시사점을 제시하는 것을 연구의 목적으로 하였다. 연구방법으로는 국제통화기금(IMF)과 중국 국가통계국(NBS)에서 각각 200여 국가에 대한 수출입 및 GDP자료를 수집하고 90년대부터 2015년까지 추이를 살폈으며, 무역의존도에서 단방향이 아닌 양방향의 상호 의존성을 분석했다. 개별 국가 GDP에서 중국 무역의존도가 15%이상으로 매우 높은 국가들이 34개국 이상이며, 중국대외 무역에서 미국 및 일본에 대한 수출입 비중이 낮아지고, 중동, 남아프리카, 남미, 동남아시아 등 지역에 대한 비중이 높아지고 있다. 또한, 중국은 일대일로에 참여하는 국가그룹에 대해서 90년대부터 현재까지 약 60% 내외의 수출입비중과 2~30%수준의 무역의존도를 보이고 있다. 일대일로 사업이 본격화되고 있는 시점에서 본 연구는 일대일로 사업 환경 및 중국을 둘러싼 국가들의 무역 관계에 대한 이해, 대응방안 수립 등의 관점에서 의의를 가질 것이며, 일대일로 사업이 진행됨에 따라 주요 국가와 중국의 상호 간 무역 의존성은 더욱 심화될 것으로 예상된다.

• 한국항만경제학회지
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• 제33권3호
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• pp.1-16
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• 2017

중국은 1970년대 후반 개방개혁정책과 더불어 급속한 경제성장을 이루어왔다. 중국 경제성장은 초기에 동남부 연해지역을 중심으로 시작되어 2000년대부터는 상대적으로 경제가 낙후된 서부 및 동북부 지역으로 확산되었다. 특히 2013년 시진핑의 '일대일로' 이니셔티브는 중국의 대외진출 전략인 동시에 이들 지역발전을 위한 중요한 계기를 마련해주고 있다. 내륙항은 내륙지역의 물류중심지로서 해양항만과 연계 및 주변 내륙국가로의 접근성을 강화시키는 데 결정적인 역할을 한다. 따라서 중국의 동북부 및 서부지역의 해외시장 진출 및 자원확보를 위해 다수의 내륙항이 개발 및 운영되고 있다. 본 연구는 일대일로 이니셔티브에서 내륙항의 역할과 발전을 전망해 보는 데 목적이 있다. 결론적으로 일대일로 이니셔티브에서 내륙항의 역할은 더욱 증대될 것이며 이에 대응하여 내륙항의 발전 역시 일대일로 이니셔티브에서 중추적 역할을 하게 될 것이다. 따라서 우리나라 기업은 중국 내륙항의 개발 및 운영에 참여할 수 있는 방안의 수립을 적극적으로 고려해야 할 것이며, 이는 중국, 러시아, 중앙아시아, 동유럽 지역으로 시장을 확대해 나가는 데 좋은 기회를 제공할 것이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.177-192
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• 2015

The Chinese government portrays the One Belt One Road Initiative (BRI) and South Korea President Park Geun-hae's Eurasia Initiative as a win-win opportunity which will hurt nobody's interests, but some South Korean commentators have interpreted it as much more than just a trade and development deal: they focus on the geopolitical implications and the possibility that the balance of power in Asia will be disturbed. South Korea depends upon its maritime-oriented Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) in focusing on its alliance with the US to deter North Korean threats and explore its export-based economic growth and development, and yet cannot afford to be left out of these initiatives which could transform the economic and logistical linkage between South Korea and Europe. Given its negative reception by the some pundits, however, South Korea should be more precautious for expressing only full-fledged supports for the BRI and Eurasia Initiative. Opponents of these two initiatives doubt that its putative benefits can be realized, at least in the short term, arguing that creating the necessary rail interconnections may be too costly.