• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.285-299
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• 2019

The 'One Belt One Road (OBOR)' initiative, which was promulgated as part of the enlargement policy along with the advent of Xi Jinping in 2013, is a policy to expand China's political and economic power externally through linkages with neighboring countries. China's overseas port investment plays an important role in the promotion of the 'OBOR' policy from the coast of China through maritime transportation routes from S.E Asia to Mediterranean and Europe. Since China's overseas port investment has been made from several factors such as political, economic, and military motives, it differs in purpose and character from investments made by private companies, such as Global Port Operators(GTO) which consider profitability first. This study aims to address future prospects and implications by analyzing the geopolitics of China's overseas port investment under the 'One Belt One Road' initiative. According to the results, China's overseas port investment is dominated by state-owned enterprises and political and security factors are more important than profitability. China's overseas port investment has been on a large scale in a short period of time, and China has faced with various problems both domestically and internationally. such as debt default, environmental problems, subordination problems from recipient countries and political and military confrontation with great countries such as United States, Japan and India etc.

• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.59-88
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• 2020

This study is to examine the influence of Asian countries on the economic field, and to explain the characteristics and purposes of China's Belt and Road Initiative using data analysis. The purpose of this study is to identify and analyze the influence and characteristics of China's One-to-One Road Initiative on the economic sector by examining trade and investment in Asian countries adjacent to China. In particular, the One-to-One Road initiative is proceeding in a way that connects China and neighboring countries. It is to understand the dependence of the Asian countries in China on the Chinese economy. In addition, it is intended to derive implications by grasping and evaluating what the level is based on data. This study also attempts to grasp the influence and ripple effects of the one-on-one strategy on the Chinese economy and the North Korean economy, where dependence is deepening. Recently, the strategy for Asian countries through a one-to-one initiative in China has been restructured in the framework of the construction of the "21st century Maritime Silk Road" and emphasizes the cooperation mechanism led by the country. In progress of the one Belt and One Road, Chinese ICT companies are remarkable. This study looked at the influence of China's digital one Belt and One Road on Asian countries.

• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.251-261
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• 2018

Under the great influence of ICT technology, China is forging ahead steadily and rapidly in the area of smart farming. In the last decade, Chinese government has carried out strategic plans to promote its economic development in agriculture, such as the plan of Made In China 2025 and One Belt One Road initiative. This thesis's objective is to analyze how such plans and initiative can provide 'windows of opportunity' to the development of smart farming industry in China. China led the development of smart agriculture by making a T-shaped rise which is composed with 'One Belt One Road Initiative and Made in China 2025 Plan. This thesis is divided into three types as path-following catch-up, path-skipping catch-up, path-creating catch-upAs this thesis also manages to provide some implications on the export strategies of South Korea's smart farming industry by understanding chinese samrt farm industry.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.47 no.6
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• pp.307-333
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• 2022

In recent years, the outward foreign direct investment (oFDI) in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by Chinese companies has significantly increased in size and changed in content. However, changes in the oFDI patterns between the pre- and post-BRI periods have not received sufficient attention from academia despite their theoretical and strategic significance. This paper reviewed existing research to establish seven hypotheses on changes in the oFDI patterns of Chinese companies investing in BRI countries and conducted empirical analyses to test the hypotheses using secondary data. The results showed that after the BRI agreement, Chinese oFDI in BRI countries was more active in less economically and less institutionally developed countries, that the oFDI by privately-owned enterprises (POEs) increased more than that of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and that SOEs were more active in the social overhead capital (SOC) area while POEs were more active in the non-SOC area. The paper concludes with a summary, implications, and future research directions.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.35-54
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• 2020

China's 'One Belt One Road' initiative has had a profound impact on China's relationship with Central Asia, which shares borders at North-western region. Central Asia plays an important role in securing the export market of Chinese products, supply of raw materials, and transportation route to Europe. The inland port is of significance to facilitate the development of logistics, trade and industry in the surrounding areas by enabling the distribution and import and export clearance in the region by performing the role of the seaport on the hinterland. The purpose of this study is to analyze the effect of the development of inland ports in central and western China on the geopolitical relationship between China and Central Asia. To this end, we analyze the status of inland port development in China's Midwest by employing the SWOT-PEST analysis method to analyze the current status as well as prospects of trade, investment and transportation routes with Central Asia in terms of geopolitics. As a result of the analysis, the relations between China and Central Asian Countries are becoming more politically and economically close, but it has brought about serious challenges by domestic and foreign environmental changes. Therefore, the development of the inland ports in central and western China are determined by the geopolitical relations under 'One Belt One Road' initiative between China and Central Asia, while the development of the inland port is also expected to serve as a catalyst for the development of both regions.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.9
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• pp.189-200
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to identify the characteristics of China's trade relationships with and dependency on the countries participating in the Belt and Road initiative and to present some implications. This study collected annual total imports, exports, and GDP data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on 198 countries and the National Bureau of Statistics of China (NBS) on 221 countries from 1995 to 2015. China's imports and exports have expanded considerably from the mid-1990s to the present, and China's dependence on imports and exports with the US and Japan has declined, while its dependence on the Middle East, South Africa, South America, and Southeast Asia has increased. China has a very high level of dependence on imports from and exports to the countries participating in the Belt and Road initiative, and as the Belt and Road project progresses, the mutual trade dependency between China and the other participating countries is expected to strengthen and expand.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.1-16
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• 2017

China has achieved rapid economic growth in the late 1970s with economic reform and open-door policy. China's economic growth began initially in the eastern coastal areas and from the 2000s expanded to the western and northeastern regions where the economy was relatively underdeveloped. In particular, in 2013 'One-Belt One Road' initiative proposed by Xi Jinping, the current General Secretary of the Communist Party of China is not only a key strategy for China's advancement into the world and also provides important opportunities for the development of these backward regions. Inland Port is the inland logistics hub and plays a crucial role in enhancing access to maritime ports as well as access to adjacent inland countries. Therefore, a number of inland ports have been developed and operated in order to enter into overseas markets and secure resources in the northeastern and western regions of China. This study aims to examine the role and development of inland port in 'One-Belt One Road' scheme. In conclusion, 'One-Belt One Road' will further increase the role of inland port, and in response, the development of inland port will play a pivotal role in one belt one road initiative. In this respect, Korean companies need to consider plans to participate in the development and operation of inland ports in China, which would provide opportunities to spread Northern markets including China, Russia, Central Asia, Eastern Europe.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.177-192
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• 2015

The Chinese government portrays the One Belt One Road Initiative (BRI) and South Korea President Park Geun-hae's Eurasia Initiative as a win-win opportunity which will hurt nobody's interests, but some South Korean commentators have interpreted it as much more than just a trade and development deal: they focus on the geopolitical implications and the possibility that the balance of power in Asia will be disturbed. South Korea depends upon its maritime-oriented Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) in focusing on its alliance with the US to deter North Korean threats and explore its export-based economic growth and development, and yet cannot afford to be left out of these initiatives which could transform the economic and logistical linkage between South Korea and Europe. Given its negative reception by the some pundits, however, South Korea should be more precautious for expressing only full-fledged supports for the BRI and Eurasia Initiative. Opponents of these two initiatives doubt that its putative benefits can be realized, at least in the short term, arguing that creating the necessary rail interconnections may be too costly.