• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.26
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• pp.215-253
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• 2016

In 2007, according to the records, I made an on-the-spot survey of the place where Doju Cho Jeongsan and his family might have lived in exile in Manchuria and released a paper in which I decided that the site could be the Shuidongchun (village) of Luotongshanzhen in Liuhexian, Jilin Province. Thereafter, sponsored by the Doju Cho Jeongsan's Memorial Project from 2008 to 2013, many times, I carried out the field investigations and researches on Liuhexian, including the visits of the institutions which have the historical documents, in order to find the data related to the participation of him and his family in the anti-Japanese movement. I was, hence, able to reconfirm that the village had been the place of their exile, based on my collected data and the oral reports which the local historians and ethnic Korean elders had provided. In this study, using the historical documents and maps and the oral materials, I made an attempt to prove the historical truth thoroughly once again. First, the existing sources of Doju Cho and his family's settling in Manchuria from March 1909 to 1917, were carefully analyzed which were described in The Jin-gyeong. In doing so, the misspelling of the names and the spatio-temporal errors of the people's activities were corrected. Next, I researched on another town, Shuitungou of Liuhexian in Fengtian Province (in West Gando of Manchuria), which it is known that Doju and his family stayed in, and the Laogushan (mountain), which it is believed that Doju cultivated himself in. Finally, through the attempt, I reached the conclusion that Doju and his family had settled at Shuidongchun (once called Shuidonggou or Shuitongchun) of Luotongshanzhen (once called Datonggou) in Liuhexian, Jilin Province. In the Liuhexian-related documents and maps published in the eras of Republican China and Manchuria, the place name called Shuitungou was not found. However, I discovered a map in the era of Republican China on which Shuitongchun was recorded as Shuidonggou. In addition, considering the administration system of Republic China, tun(屯) and gou(溝) could not be used together in the place names. Accordingly, Shuitungou was more likely misspelled as Korean people in those days mispronounced Shuidonggou. Furthermore, people in China has habitually called the Dagushan(大孤山), located in the north of Gushanzizhen of Liuhexian, as the Laogushan(老孤山). This means that the Korean people who lived in the area then perhaps recorded the mountain as the Nogosan(老姑山), the mountain of the old goddess, according to Korean enunciation, because they had the custom of worshipping the mountain goddess. I tried my best to find the historical documents regarding Doju and his family's anti-Japanese activities to prove the location of exile in which they settled in northeastern China (Manchuria). However, I was not able to reach the initial goal completely due to the shortage of objective evidences, only to leave tasks to be solved. I hope that this study can give a little help to researchers who are interested in this matter.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.145-178
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• 2001

Bourdieu is one of the few social science researchers who were interested in photography. Bourdieu's work on photography appears principally in two books: Un art moyen: Essai sur les usagrs sociaux de la photographie(1965) and La distinction(1979). In these books, Bourdieu analyzes the role of photography in the family life of peasants and small town and urban dwellers. He shows how different classes and groups express their esthetic worldview in response to different photographs and photographic styles. What Bourdieu analyzed is not just photography but ways of photographing and ways of looking at pictures. Through these analyses, Bourdieu explores the social definition of photography. Bourdieu's ideas on photographic practice in social life are as follows. First, the photography, especially family photography generally practiced, has the integrative function. It recreates the group by ritualizing and solemnizing the important moments of social life in which the group reaffirms its unity. Second, the photography as esthetic practice in search of legitimacy as a fine art becomes a means by which different classes are pitted against each other. Each of classes gives its own meaning to photographic practice. Despite its originality and persuasive power, Bourdieu's work on photography has its own limits. The data used by Bourdieu are 35 years old and relevant to European social life. Things has changed since. First, the technological improvement and innovation in photography was considerable. Cheap and good photographic materials, easy to operate, made photographic practice everybody's everyday activity. New media like camcorder and digital camera made photography one of the industrial discards like jukebox. It means that photography does not function as important means of distinction between classes any longer. The integrative function of the photography becomes more ambiguous too. Second, the esthetic status of the photography has changed. The family photography was already integraed into fine art. Photography is not a middle-brow art any more. Bourdieu's work on photography shows how photography was used by different social classes in European social life of the 1960's. His work is historically and geographically limited. Moreover, his work was ordered by the french affiliate of Eastman Kodak Company. And all along the analysis, Bourdieu didn't hide his intention of distinguishing his sociological method from the other methods, especially psychological one. These mean that Bourdieu's work was done in a specific context, for specific purposes. In this respect, Bourdieu's work on photography, like every sociological work, can not claim to be universal.

• Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.103-113
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• 1993

This study was conducted to explore the feasibility of using the lead level in the hair of children as a screening test for lead intoxication of children and as an indicator for environmental pollution. Lead concentration of hair was measured for 268 seven to nine-year-old elementary school children in Taegu city (147 children) and Gampo town(121 children). The lead level in hair was measured by atomic absorption spectrophotometer equipped with a graphite furnace atomizer. The following information was obtained for all children: sex, age, father's occupation and smoking habits, kinds of hair cleaner, fingernail biting habits, and status of the child's hands and clothing. The mean lead level in hair was $8.7{\pm}2.9{\mu}g/g$ in the urban area and $7.7{\pm}2.2{\mu}g/g$ in the rural area. There were significant differences between two groups(p<0.01). The difference of lead levels in hair measured by cleanliness of the child's hands(clean: $7.4{\pm}2.7{\mu}g/g$, dirty: $8.2{\pm}2.6{\mu}g/g$) and child's clothing(clean: $8.0{\pm}2.5{\mu}g/g$, dirty: $9.3{\pm}2.6{\mu}g/g$) were statistically significant, but other factors were not significant. In multiple regression analysis, difference of residency and age were significant variables for lead level in the hair of children. These findings suggest that measurement of lead level in the hair is a useful method for the screening of the lead intoxication of children and monitoring environmental conditions.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.6
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• pp.53-66
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to suggest indicator-based selection and improvement plans for evaluating urban regeneration projects. First, we selected the indicators by conducting expert surveys and analysis of the responses received. Additionally, using the selected indicators, we analyzed the residents' opinions in Wongogae Village, where urban regeneration projects were in progress. Based on these, we suggested a plan to improve Wongogae Village. According to the study, we classified the urban regeneration evaluation indicators into 'Physical environment', 'Social environment' and 'Economic environment' according to their characteristics. We selected urban regeneration evaluation factors through the first expert survey and MCB analysis. As a result, we selected six factors for the 'Physical environment' category: 'Traffic and pedestrian environment', 'Residential (housing) environment', 'Safety and security environment', 'Greenspace', 'Landscape improvement' and 'Public space', In the 'Social environment' category, four factors were chosen: 'Resident participation', 'Community activation', 'Role of the local government and support centers' and 'Resident education' while for the 'Economic environment' category three factors were selected: 'Local economic revitalization', 'Creating an economy-based environment', 'Job creation'. Next, we conducted a second expert survey and carried out an AHP analysis using the selected evaluation factors to derive the overall weight for each. Among the evaluation factors for urban regeneration, the 'Residential (housing) environment' has the highest weighted value of 0.108, followed by 'Local economic revitalization' and 'Resident participation'. Lastly, the analysis of the residents' opinions of Wongogae Village using the urban regeneration evaluation factors, Parking environment', 'Maintenance of old houses and living environment', 'Environment for founding town and social enterprises', 'Improve commercial and business environment', 'Maintain and activate existing business' and 'Vitalizing small regional economies such as domestic handicrafts and side-job' had high overall importance, but low satisfaction, which means that it is necessary to improve the focus. Therefore, in order to improve the urban regeneration project in villages, it is necessary to improve the parking environment by expanding public parking lots, eliminate close houses, and idle lands, or open a school playground in the village for the residents. In addition, it is essential to encourage economic activities, such as fostering village enterprises and social enterprises in connection with cooperatives and allow for the selling of the products through resident activities, such as neighboring markets.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.92-102
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• 2020

The followings are the landscape preference aspects from the 816 landscapes(景, Kyung), which comprise the 78 modern Palkyungs, presented by the 78 local governments in Korea. First, the natural environment elements selected as Kyung(景), which are topographical landscapes, mostly consist of mountain elements such as mountains, terrace(臺), rocks and stones and water elements classified as rivers, oceans, and lakes. Natural elements also include old-growth and giant trees such as pines, ginkgos, Japanese cornels and fringe trees, tree-lined streets and forests, and plant elements such as azaleas, rhododendrons, lotuses, reeds, and silver grasses which provide seasonal landscapes. Second, more than half of Kyung, selected as human environment elements, are historical and cultural heritages such as graveyards, mountain fortresses, town fortresses, traditional villages, pavilion in villas, and temples. And it is followed by leisure tourism facilities such as traditional markets, exhibition halls, theme parks, beaches, and food streets, green-based structures such as trails, plazas, parks, and botanical gardens, and industrial heritages such as ranches, abandoned coal mines, stations, ports and bridges. Third, modern Palkyungs include objects not related to the views such as local representative facilities, regional products, and festivals. Fourth, although most of the modern Palkyungs consist of eight, some include 20, 38, or 100 in order to increase the number of objects of public relations. Fifth, a certain local government makes two modern Palkyungs with different subjects by introducing traditional Palkyung and modern Palkyung altogether. In this case, it presents several modern Palkyungs like by selecting Palkyungs in a limited area. Furthermore, one Palkyung includes numerous place names at a time in some cases. Sixth, Sosangjeonhyeong(瀟湘典型)-style modern Palkyung uses 'NakAn(落雁)' as the name of Kyung. Sosangyusahyeong(瀟湘類似型)-style modern Palkyung expresses 'Hyojong(曉鐘)' and landscape of glow of the setting sun, sunset, night view, dawn, sunrise and depicts cloud, sunset, moon, and snow. There are many Myeongsocheheomhyeong(名所體驗型)-style Palkyungs exhibiting the behavior of tourism and Myeongseunghyeong(名勝型)-style Palkyungs raising the awareness only by the names of the places. Seventh, modern Palkyung's naming styles are diverse, such as using only four letters instead of specifying Kyungmul(景物) or Kyungsaek(景色) in combination with Chinese characters or adding modifiers specializing in places.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.818-827
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to identify food consumption patterns of the elderly and factors affecting them to improve their dietary health. Data from 1,172 elderly subjects (over 65 years old) from the fifth Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (KNHANES V-1) were used in our analysis. Validity and reliability analyses of food consumption frequency allowed the identification of seven factors: fruits, foods for Korean style meal, instant foods, alcohols, carbohydrate-rich snacks, vegetables, and legumes/mixed grains. Food consumption patterns were classified into four groups (according to the food consumption frequency) using cluster analysis. Cluster 4 showed a significantly higher food consumption frequency and Cluster 3 had a relatively high overall food consumption frequency but lower alcohol consumption frequency compared to the other clusters. Cluster 2 was characterized by a generally low food consumption frequency but a significantly higher alcohol consumption frequency. Cluster 1 showed a generally low food consumption frequency; however, the consumption frequency of legumes/mixed grains was higher than Cluster 2. Further analysis showed that the food consumption patterns of the elderly were affected by variables such as gender, age, town, economic status, education level, family type, and frequency of eating out. We conclude that a proper nutritional education program should be conducted to address specific dietary problems for each elderly segment.