• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.33
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• pp.179-218
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• 2019

This article examines some important issues in films about new religious movements (NRMs) that express and represent NRMs in sensationalistic ways and criticize them as immoral and antisocial cults. I presented a typology to analyze films about NRMs from the perspective of marginalized religions separated from established religions and also as alternative religions that replace the established religions. In recent times, films about NRMs have changed from being social criticisms that represents NRMs as perpetrators of brainwashing and the need for deprogramming to that of faithful participation and empathetic reflection. Films about NRMs that utilize empathetic reflection, including Wild Wild Country (2018), go beyond the normative, single-perspective formula to enable insiders to conduct self-reflection and outsiders to empathize through openness, varied perspectives with multi-faceted composition and polyphony. In contrast, films about NRMs that adopt the perspective of faithful participation, including The Road to Peace (1984), present a new visual way to unravel the voices of silenced subalterns with alternative religious visions and those who needed relief from the marginalization due to alienation or exclusion from established religions. In the Korean context, these visions are expressed as 'the great transformation into the creation of a paradise of the Later World (後天開闢)' or as 'the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence (解冤相生).'

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.34
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• pp.171-202
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• 2020

The nations of East Asia have similar historical backgrounds in terms of going through modernization during the nineteenth century. All of them commonly experienced socio-political hardships. Three of the most prosperous East Asian new religions, Yiguandao, Tenrikyo, and Daesoon Jinrihoe, all emerged under similar socio-political circumstances during the nineteenth century. There was no mutual interchange, but the cosmological perspectives share some analogous ideology. All of them were types of nativist millennialism. The ultimate goal in all three is redeeming lost elements by magical means-the sudden disappearance of invading forces, the return of mystical heroes or messiahs, and an altered landscape. As Stark said, although it is impossible to calculate the actual rate of success, probably no more than one religious movement out of 1,000 will attract more than 100,000 followers and last for as long as a century. By this standard, these three groups are certainly worthy of being studied. This paper will examine and compare these three groups through four dimensions: the Messiah's eschatology, the re-interpretation of that eschatology after the Messiah's death, the rational transformations of millennial dreams, and the institutionalization of those millennial dreams. Analytically, I could demonstrate the differences among these groups through two dimensions: (1) The dimension of time, which can be conceptualized in terms of this-worldly or other-worldly; and (2) Collective vision, which can be conceptualized in terms of utopia or reform. The cross-classification of these two dimensions is suggestive of the general avenues of Millennialism. Through these comparisons and observations, light will be shed on the essence and dynamics of East Asian Millennialist Thought by exploring deeper cultural implications.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.141-190
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• 2021

In early modern Korea, the founders of three main-stream indigenous new religions, Choi Je-woo (崔濟愚), Kang Il-sun (姜一淳), and Park Jungbin (朴重彬), were all ruined yangban, who could no longer maintain the social dignity of yangban. Prior to their regular religious activities, they earned livings as rural teachers, peasants, merchants, and fortune-tellers. They were marginalized for having declined from upper-class nobles to lower-class people. Due to their subalternal status, they religiously represented the inexpressible aspirations and resentments held by various subalterns. The millennial movements of marginal religions in the late Joseon Dynasty exposed and deviated from the fetters of the established order, but they did not propose a new alternative order to replace it. Unlike these millennial movements, Choi Je-woo, Kang Il-sun, and Park Jungbin all proposed utopian visions of post-subalternal alternative religions that systematically presented and practiced new alternative worldviews characterized by the "Great Opening of the Later World (後天開闢)." The world they longed for was one wherein anti-subalternal social regulation were overthrown, the oppression of various subalterns end, and the established social order was replaced. In this article, I have argued that three main-stream indigenous Korean new religions, Donghak (Eastern Learning), the Jeungsan-inspired religious movements, and Wonbulgyo (Won Buddhism) are utopian alternative religions. I made this argument by analyzing some aspects by which they represented subalterns and offered subalterns a new religio-social status.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.39-71
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• 2020

Ever since gaining liberation in 1945, Korean society has constantly recalled memories of Japan's invasion and Korea's anti-Japanese movements for an independent state (AMIS). In the process, a small number of new religious groups were also identified as main subjects within AMIS. However, the logic necessary to connect these religious groups with AMIS was still weak. In order to solve this situation academically, the purpose of this article is to illuminate the activities of Mugeukdo (無極道) and Jo Jeongsan (趙鼎山) through the lens of AMIS and to reflect on the issues that will arise when linking the religion with AMIS. Regarding this purpose, this article analyzed the internal and external data collected by Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會) about Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo's activities linked to AMIS. Later, this paper presents several tasks for future research on this subject matter. Specifically, according to Chapter II, the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo were generally centered on resistance at the family level, Jo Jeongsan's order to participate in the March 1st Movement, and Mugeukdo's industrial activities. In Chapter III, I reviewed the contents of Chapter II using Daesoon Jinrihoe's external materials. According to the results of the review, future research is required to discover and cross-check materials related to the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo believers. Likewise, further research is needed to highlight the theory of the enthronement of emperor (天子登極說) and the Great Opening of the later world (後天開闢) in terms of AMIS. These efforts can make contributions that increase the credibility of Daesoon Jinrihoe's internal data on the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo and expand the periphery of AMIS as it relates to certain religious groups. Subsequently, in Chapter IV, I present three items for reflecting upon the connection between certain religious groups and AMIS. The first is that criteria for establishing the category of AMIS is necessary to determine whether religious activities can be included. Second, reductionist approaches make it difficult to explain the reasons why some of the people who participated in AMIS did so while forming 'new religious movements,' and why these groups have maintained their religious identity even after liberation was achieved in 1945. Third, it is necessary to distinguish between the primary and the secondary dimensions to elaborate on the connection between these religions and AMIS. This means that researchers should be expected to look at whether the activities in question are based on a religious worldview and whether the goal of the activities is the realization of AMIS or the implementation of some aspect of that religious worldview. In the future, considering the mechanisms that make AMIS memorable in Korea, religious groups and religious studies should take greater interest in discovering and accumulating data that facilitates research on these topics. At the same time, effort should be made to find the basis for AMIS within religious worldviews. It can also be made possible through specific interest in further elaboration on the various AMIS-related activities of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.23-51
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• 2018

This paper focuses on historical instances of iconoclasm after the Reformation to reveal how iconoclasm had greatly contributed to the formation of the Protestant mindset in the early modern times. During the English civil war, when iconoclastic campaigns and movements were in full tide, the paper argues that the notions of novelty and progress were more positively accepted among radical religious groups. To put it in another way, the paper suggests a different way of looking the formation of Protestant habitus by giving accounts of how iconoclastic impulses spurred diverse religious groups during the civil war to break the mold of conservative thinking and to revolutionize the print culture hitherto based on patronage and served as a buttress for status-quo. From this analysis, then, we are ledto the different portrait of the protestant in the seventeenth century, whose mindset was not quite as solitary and guilt ridden as Max Weber would have us believe.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.34
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• pp.75-105
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• 2020

Previous scholars have studied Daesoon Jinrihoe mainly through its scriptures and doctrines; however, in this essay I have combined data from a questionnaire with interviews I conducted to observe women's religious engagement from their own perspectives. I conducted my fieldwork from October 23 to 26 at Yeoju Headquarters in Korea and received 81 questionnaire replies. This ongoing project will shed light on the niche for women in Korean new religious movements. This essay is divided into three parts. First, I reviewed 5 articles on general attitudes towards women within Daesoon Jinrihoe to serve as a doctrinal introduction. Second, I used the Ladies Club, the Women's Assembly of the Department of Social Welfare, and female students from the Inter- national Volunteers Association to better understand women's participation and education in Daesoon Jinrihoe on an institutional level. Third, I issued a questionnaire in order to learn respondents' sex, age, educational background, and birth place and used those data points determine patterns in how the above influence religious participation and positions in Daesoon Jinrihoe. My investigation showed that both the self-expectation and division of labor among the followers at Yeoju Headquarter were affected by and corresponded to social gender roles. Moreover, the emphasis on missionary work rather than centralized hierarchy contributed to a reduction in the influence of gender-segregation and led to relative coherence in terms of gender relations within Daesoon Jinrihoe.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.93-113
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• 2018

This paper examines C. S. Lewis's view of myth and religion in the mid-twentieth century England. Lewis provided his social and cultural criticisms for materialistic contemporary culture and a decline in religiosity in Till We Have Faces (1956). Under the agitated influence of the time period and social movements in which he had lived, Lewis's writing uncovers dynamic interactions with the traumatized world aroused by two World Wars and the apocalyptic aura of an upcoming new world. The narrative of Lewis's novel Till We Have Faces, in a larger perspective, presents the mixtures of mythic motifs and nostalgia. On the plot basis, the novel depicts contemporary spiritual blindness and national dissociations. Many criticisms of Lewis have not been exploring the author's keen knowledge of the modern society because of his conspicuous depictions of evil and grace involving religious and medievalist views. Nonetheless, the paper explores how Lewis's apocalyptical views, related to turmoil and nostalgia, uncover complexities of his religious dilemmas between restoring the deteriorated status of the privileged. Ultimately, it analyzes Lewis's consciousness of the social changes related to the larger, more often than not psychological, context of redefining the national empire.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.61-79
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• 2021

In this study, Daesoon Jinrihoe is compared with five international new religious movements (The Church of Scientology, The Family International, The Hare Krishna Movement, The Family Federation, and the Osho Movement) concerning the development of charisma and institutionalization, as well as organizational changes and relationship to society. The material consists of previous research about Daesoon Jinrihoe and two interviews with representatives for the group. In many respects the development of Daesoon Jinrihoe has similarities to the international groups. Since its inception, it has changed from a group with charismatic authority to a rational-legal authority, through a development of organizational complexity, initiated by the three consecutive charismatic leaders. Today there is no charismatic leader, but a president who has an administrative function. Similar to several of the international groups, there have been charismatic challenges in Daesoon Jinrihoe on several occasions. Differences to the international groups are mainly related to macrosociological factors in the shape of the occupation of Japan. Daesoon Jinrihoe was against the occupation, but in spite of that worked to keep the tensions with society low, even though the organization at times was forbidden. In the international groups, the tensions to society were generally high, and had different reasons. In several of the international groups the final arrival of children influenced organizational changes: this was not the case with Daesoon Jinrihoe as there had always been children in the group. As in the Church of Scientology, the children are not much engaged in the religious life of Daesoon Jinrihoe, but can join as adults. Today, Daesoon Jinrihoe works as a denomination, with a positive relationship to society partly due to many welfare projects.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.30
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• pp.235-270
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• 2018

The term, Degree Number, was religiously re-interpreted by Jeungsan (甑山) Kang Il-Sun (姜一淳, 1871~1909) and used by him to imply 'the principle of ruling the world.' It was especially the case that his usage of Degree Number referred to the new law that will rule during the Later World, and the significance of this was promoted during Jeungsan's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. And Jeongsan (鼎山) Jo Cheol-Je (趙哲濟, 1895~1958), who received a revelation from Jeungsan, established new religious movements including Mugeuk-do and Taegeuk-do and gave a broader meaning to the term Degree Number which he adopted from Jeungsan. He endowed it with the additional meaning of 'all the religious activities performed to achieve an ideal world.' In the history of Korean religions, Degree Number was newly interpreted by the religiously-gifted Jeungsan, who appeared at the end of the Joseon Dynasty. The lineage of religious thought related to Degree Numbers was constantly transmitted through Mugeuk-do and Taegeuk-do both of which were founded by Jeongsan Jo Cheol-Je. Later, Park Han-Gyeong (朴漢慶, 1917~1996) succeeded this lineage when he established Daesoon Jinrihoe in 1969. Religious thought related to Degree Numbers came from Jeungsan's self-realization that he was 'Sangje (the Supreme God).' The thought was also formed by his religious declaration wherein he changed the Degree Number of mutual contention in the Former World to that of mutual beneficence in the Later World. What Jeungsan emphasized was the fluidity of Degree Numbers. Just like human beings are never able to escape from the bonds of their destiny, in Jeungsan's thought, forced or ordained cosmic orders do not exist. In the outworn world of the past, which has been defined as the Former World, the Degree Number was recognized as the ordained law and norm, but as the Later World was coming, Jeungsan recalibrated the Degree Number and defined it anew through his own authority and power as the Supreme God. Jeongsan recalibrated many Degree Numbers throughout his life. The number of Degree Numbers which Jeungsan recalibrated is relatively fewer than that of Jeongsan, who inherited the thought of Jeungsan, and then went on to categorize almost every major religious activity he performed a Degree Number. In this context, Jeungsan's 'Degree Number' became expanded and broadened in terms of its scope.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.6
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• pp.27-50
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• 2008

This thesis examines contemporary Chinese painting after the Cultural Revolution(1966~76), focusing upon so-called "Chinese Pop art", which I termed as "Socialist Pop art". I considered the art of this period within the broader context of social changes especially after the Tienanmen incident of 1989. After the Cultural Revolution during which idolization of Chairman Mao was at its peak, one of the major changes in communist China was that an anti-Mao wave was generated in almost every social class. For example, novels that revealed the hardships during the Cultural Revolution were published. Posters that openly criticized the Maoism were also produced and displayed on the walls, and demand for democracy spurred widespread activist movements among young generations. These broad social changes were also reflected in art. A variety of art movements were introduced from the West to China, and after a period of experimentation with the new imported styles, artists began to apply the new artistic idiom to their works in order to visualize their own social and political realities they lived in. It was a shift from earlier Socialist Realism to a new expression either directly or indirectly, "Socialist Pop", an amalgam of Socialist Realism and Pop art tradition. After the 1989 crackdown of Tienanmen Square protest, when communist government quelled with brutal measures the students, workers, and ordinary people who rose for democracy, greater urge to protest the Deng Xiaoping regime emerged. This time coincided with the gradual emergence of art using Pop art vocabulary to satirize the social reality, the Socialist Pop art, along with many other art forms all with avant-garde spirit. One of the most frequent subjects of Chinese Pop art was visual images of Chairman Mao and his Cultural Revolution, and new China that was saturated with capitalism, which tainted the Chinese way of life with a Western way of consumerism and commercialism. The reason for the popularity of Mao's image was spurred by the "Mao Craze" in the early 1990's. People suddenly began to fall in a kind of nostalgia for the past, and once again, Mao Zedong was idolized as an entity who can heal the problems of modern China who had been marching towards their ultimate destination, the economic development. But this time Chairman Mao was no more an idol but just a popular, commercial product. He is no more an object of worship of almost religious nature but he has become an iconography symbolizing the complex nature of present Chinese society. During this process of depicting the social reality, Chinese artists are making the authority and sanctity of Maoism ineffective. Dealing with this new trend of contemporary Chinese art in view of "Socialist Pop art" two manners of re-creating Pop art can be illustrated: one that incorporates the propaganda posters of the Cultural Revolution; the other borrows from Chinese traditional popular imagery or mass media, such as photos taken during Mao era. What is worth mentioning is that these posters and photos of the Cultural Revolution can be identified as 'popular' media, as they were directed to educate the popular mass, thus combination of this ingenuous pop media with Western Pop art can be fully justified as a genre unique to China. Through this genre, we can discover a new chapter of the Chinese contemporary painting and its society, as their Pop art can be considered as self-portraits true to their present appearances.