• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-188
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• 2016

This paper argues that the establishment of the Kaohsiung Export Processing Zone (KEPZ), the first EPZ in East Asia, is a compromise of cold-war geopolitical economy in the 1960s. The KEPZ is part of the liberalization policy advise of the US Aid agency which intended to push the KMT (Kuomintang) government to downsize the nationalized sectors and foster private enterprises and encourage foreign investments. However, the KMT state hesitated to embrace the advice wholeheartedly but was forced to implement selectively the policies. To meet the compromise between liberalization and control, the KMT government takes advantage of the KEPZ to grab the geoeconomic opportunities emerging from the new international division of labor in the 1960s without losing the geopolitical support from the US. The idea that zoning as a space of compromise would provide a subtle re-examination of the rise of the KEPZ which is conventionally explained by the functionalist arguments such as increase of employment opportunities, foreign investments and export by the far-sighted developmental state.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.5
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• pp.713-737
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• 2016

This study is to review research issues on North Korea and unified territory in terms of topics and approach method in Korean human geography. The conclusion of this paper is as follows. Before 1980's, topics on political geography, such as geopolitics or unified land, were the main stream in research. In 1990's with the end of the cold war and the access to material which was published in North Korea, scope of research was widened especially in geography education. After 2000's with the expansion of cooperation between South and North Korea, the scope of topics were more expanded in all field of human geography, for example, critical geopolitic in political geography, Gaeseong Industrial Complex, Najin-Seonbong region in economic geography, place names, Geumgangsan, North Korean defectors in social and cultural geography. The approach method of toward North Korea is fall into two categories. One is regional geography and the other is the unified land. In the latter approach, topics on the regional structure after reunification or on the life adaptation of defectors in South Korea etc. were studied. After unification of land, new Korean Studiea will be established and human geographers should make ready for this. Before unification, research on the land in north Korea should be proceeded in terms of historical geography.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.4
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• pp.83-118
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• 2006

This study is to develop digital leadership in a field of national defense. Today, korean society is facing the crisis of national security. But national defense leadership is not show in the circumstance of national security crisis. As you know, national defense leadership is a process that make use of influence. Which means it converges people's interest and demands well and also show people the right vision of national defense and make them to comply the policy about national security. Because of the environmental change, our national defense leadership is having a new turning point. First, international order, which is under post-cold war, raises possibility of guarantee of peace and security in international society but also, cause the increase of multiple uncertainty and small size troubles in security circumstance. In addition, Korean society is rushing into democratization and localization period by success in peaceful change of political power went through about three times. The issue of political neutralization of military is stepping into settlement but still, negative inheritance of old military regime is worrying about it. In this situation, we can't expect rise in estimation about the importance of security and military's reason for being. So, military have to give their concern to not only internal maintenance of order and control and growth of soldiers but also developing external leadership to strength influence to society and military's the reason for being. So for these alternative I'm suggesting a digital leadership of national defense which fits digital era. This digital leadership is the leadership which can accept and understand digital technology and lead the digital organization. To construct digital national defense we need a practical leadership. The leadership has to be digital leadership with digital competence that can direct vision of digital national defense and carry out the policy. A leader who ha s digital leadership can lead the digital society. The ultimate key to construct digital government, digital corporate and digital citizen depends on digital leader with digital mind. To be more specific, digital leadership has network leadership, next generation leadership, knowledge driven management leadership, innovation oriented leadership. A leader with this kind of leadership is the real person with digital leadership. From now on, to rise this, we have to build up human resource development strategy and develop educational training program.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.8
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• pp.239-270
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• 2010

This thesis is to make an appropriate national defense policy of Republic of Korea through studying the Hegemony Strategy of United States. I searched the theory of hegemony. The hegemony was differently defined by the point of time and region. The strong power nations with the hegemony have been making efforts to maintain their hegemony everytime. I have conclusion that the presence of hegemony once emerged, it brought regional stability in place whether it is coercive or beneficial. The stability and instability of international order IS not exclusively dependent on hegemony. Even if the safety of hegemony cannot guarantee absolute stability of international order, there IS on doubt that the hegemony has enormous impact on that. According to the hegemonic theory, the history of mankind equals to the history of rising and falling hegemony. The international order was changed as the hegemony changes. The United States has been making efforts to maintain her global hegemony during the post cold-war era as well. Taking all these into consideration, relevant military strategy direction able to pursue national interest is that to make up for the relative weakness in the strategic environment. South Korea have to prepare security policy response as following. First, South Korea should build the military force equipped with advanced weapons in military technology sector and solidify military diplomatic relation able to form cooperative relation in wartime. Second, South Korea should make solid Alliance of Korea and U.S. Third, develop and maintain multilateral security cooperation of East Asia. Forth, we could realize that there are means that can neutralize opponent's strong point by seeking one or two and more asymmetry in the aspect of strategy, tactics, and means through asymmetric strategy. Than the military force of South Korea should develop into a force that is able to overcome to the traditional North Korea's threat and new type of conflicts. And the force should have sufficient strength and be deployed to effectively defend the Korean Peninsula. So, we need to establish a denial and defense system against any hostile neighboring country. Therefore, ROK military forces preparing for the future should try to construct a future military power to gradually establish enough strength for self-defense to prepare for a uncertain security environment and when the Korean Peninsula is unified in a future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.22-37
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• 2016

This research sought to examine the strategies of cultural heritage proving the negative history to be registered as world heritage, among the World Heritages registered in UNESCO. Therefore, to comprehend "negative history"and the heritages with "instructive value," the new term of "Remembrance Heritage"was suggested, and such cases of world heritage were analyzed. Especially by analyzing the criteria of being registered by focusing on the cases of similar World Heritages with similar historical background or form as Korean DMZ, the criteria of OUV that may be applied when Korean DMZ is promoted to be registered as World Heritage. The research results may be summarized as the following. First of all, Remembrance Heritage is a place in which events of universal significance have occurred, rather than the historical, artistic, landscape, and scholastic value of the heritage itself, and was evaluated as architecture, landscape, or place in which the events or historical steps could be verified through architectural, landscape, archaeological or technical means. Secondly, Remembrance Heritage was often applied to be registered with the criterion (vi), and criterion (iii) or criterion (iv). Thirdly, in case of the Korean DMZ, application of criterion (iv) as heritage proving the age of cold war and criterion (vi) as symbolic value of peace may be possible.

• Journal of Space Technology and Applications
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.121-130
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• 2021

Since the 1960s, the United States has developed and implemented policies to encourage commercial space launches. Specifically, national policies have been implementing to expand the role of commercial space actors, which required establishing a process for private space launches. In the early days of the space age, private launches accounted for a small portion of the total launch rate, but, since the 1990s, the proportion has exploded, with private space companies presenting large projects one after another, accounting for more than 50% of the total launch rate. This diversification of space actors and the increase in orbital space objects have led to changes in the perspectives of existing space environmental management processes. During and after the Cold War, when the space age began, civilian actors' actions were limited, and policies limited their actions, too. So they had little impact on government space activities. However, space technology's entry barrier has lowered since, and policies to facilitate commercial space launches have been implemented for a long, and the accumulated amount of space waste over the past 60 years is also threatening the safety, stability, and sustainability of space use. This paper examined how the United States, the most active country in commercial space launches, has managed commercial space launches. The United States has a Space Traffic Management (STM), distributed to departments such as the Department of Defense, Department of Commerce, Department of Transport, NASA, etc. A review of changes in U.S STM management policy could also provide implications for us to manage commercial space launches in Korea.

• Journal of Korean Port Research
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.93-110
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• 1992

The most change in this century is supposed to be declination of ideology, and block of world economy. Addition to down full of cold war atmosphere around Northeast Asia, not only economic and social mood in this region is dramatically changed, but also it gave birth to the block of Northeast economy that accerlated new hub of world economy. According to dramatic change of economic surroundings the dynamic potential of growth in this region will be guided to enlarge inter-regional trade and increase volume of trade, thus suggests to grow steadily transportation. cargos in this region will have to arrange the system of delivery and inner transportation, accessary facilities, inter-regional harbors if North America and EC has connected easily. As have accerlated GATT and UR represented multilateralism and regionalism, it has regulated to increase trades of region due to relief of the trade barrier through specific areas has agreed with separately. The flow of regionalism of world economy has appeared to realize EC and NAFTA centered U.S.A, and also has presented to free trade region or one-size market agreement in Asia as APEC, EAEG in Malaysia, and etc. In defense to this block and internationalism of world economy, Pusan has to come forward to the hub of Northeast others has proposed a project to dominate the Northeast, Economy Association Agreement as Far East comprehensive development project in USSR, Hunchun development project in NK, and East Sea development project in PRC, Niigate regional development in Japan, Duman River development project in NK, and East Sea development project in Korea. As this exercise has proceed, Pusan also have arranged development strategy definitely and prepared provisions systematically. Engaging to participate center of delivery system is meant to be completed complex functions, namely the transfer storage processing & assembly function of international commodity. Pusan has ability to be terminal point of TSR. it had been connected to EC as the biggest economy block and TKR as complex transportation root to Far East, it would be the center of inground and seabase delivery terminal to Rotterdom as the biggest container pier and major piers to North-East and South East Asia. In order to provide a Role of 21 century's internationalization, Pusan has appealed to participate in management information research and development connected to Pohang-Ulsan-Changwon-Masan, and has utilized efficiently the resources such as man, material, money and information.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.83-114
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• 2019

Now Venezuela is the most attentional country in Latin America not only in our country but also all world. Unfortunately, the current crisis is a danger that threatening the venezuelan people's right to live, so most of the news is negative. Some analysts in Korea insist that everything is the result of invasion by US imperialism, others say it is a state of default due to excessive populism. The others also described as a power game of the powers of the world by the new Cold War. But most essential thing is that Sovereign of Venezuela, Venezuelan people are marginalized in this process. Venezuela's crisis seems to have been both a combination of internal and external factors, but internal factors been a main cause. The internal factors are the dictatorship and corruption of crony capitalism of nepotism which are considered historical ailments in Latin America. Chávez criticized the oligarchy, but paradoxically, the Chávezian or current ruling forces became another oligarchy. Unfortunately, Western powers such as the United States and the EU and Venezuela's current ruling powers are at an extreme confrontation, so can be seen using cliff-edge tactics. The best solution is the free and peaceful reelection of the president. After the patriarchal winter, which spring will come the Venezuelan people must decide.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.27-52
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• 2011

The regions of Central Asia have each acquired an elevated strategic importance in the new security paradigm of post-September 1lth. Comprised of five states, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Central Asia's newly enhanced strategic importance stems from several other factors, ranging from trans-national threats posed by Islamic extremism, drug production and trafficking, to the geopolitical threats inherent in the region's location as a crossroads between Russia, Southwest Asia and China. Although the U.S. military presence in the region began before September 11th, the region became an important platform for the projection of U.S. military power against the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan. The analysis goes on to warn that 'with US troops already in place to varying extents in Central Asian states, it becomes particularly important to understand the faultlines, geography, and other challenges this part of the world presents'. The Kyrgyz military remains an embryonic force with a weak chain of command, the ground force built to Cold War standards, and an almost total lack of air capabilities. Training, discipline and desertion - at over 10 per cent, the highest among the Central Asian republics - continue to present major problems for the creation of combat-effective armed forces. Kyrgyzstan has a declared policy of national defence and independence without the use of non-conventional weapons. Kyrgyzstan participates in the regional security structures, such as the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) but, in security matters at least, it is dependent upon Russian support. The armed forces are poorly trained and ill-equipped to fulfil an effective counter-insurgency or counter-terrorist role. The task of rebuilding is much bigger, and so are the stakes - the integrity and sovereignty of the Kyrgyz state. Only democratization, the fight against corruption, reforms in the military and educational sectors and strategic initiatives promoting internal economic integration and national cohesion hold the key to Kyrgyzstan's lasting future