• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.58
• /
• pp.139-160
• /
• 2018

'Gyeokmulchiji' (格物致知), coming to knowledge based on the investigation of things) is a starting point for any study and politics of Confucianism. Much emphasis was placed on the conception of 'Gyeokchi' as a root of every learning and adminstration in the early Joseon period. As Confucianism established itself as a salient value system of the government, a mighty change and paradigm shift happened in its governmental system which had depended upon Buddhism up to that time. Thus, Confucian statecraft also stood out. Daehakyeonui (大學衍義) was preached as a model of regal learning and politics in the governmental agon, and its conceptual starting point was 'Gyeokchi.' The various interpretations and arguments about this concept shows the process in which Zhu Xi NeoConfucianism was deepened into Neo-Confucianism of Joseon's own. This conception reached the essence of 'Li' beyond the problem of cognitive subject and object, and provided a watershed which divided Giho (畿湖) and Yeongnam (嶺南) schools. Confucian method of study, which incorporates knowledge and practice, has great implications for our times when there are many voices of concern over humanities. The enhancement of universities and humanities is much needed to adjust the direction and pace of scientific technology, which is now entirely left with the logic of market. Accordingly, it is quite urgent for us to examine our object of learning again, which should integrate 'Sugi' (修己, cultivating oneself) with 'Chi-in' (治人, governing others), and knowledge with practice.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.55
• /
• pp.59-84
• /
• 2014

This research is an attempt to newly interpret his academic evaluation and understand Seo Kye Bak Se-Dang's Sa Byeun Rok The Doctrine of the Mean. In academic world, his academic Characteristic was considered as anti-Neo-confucianism, out of Jung Ju Hak, out of Seong Ri Hak, and Sil Hak. His understanding of The Doctrine of the Mean was pretty critical, because he had unique academic characteristic to interpret Chinese classics rather than anti-Neo-confucianism, out of Jung Ju Hak, out of Seong Ri Hak, and Sil Hak. Especially, he took practical study with six Chinese classics as the central figure and it was a creative thing with philosophical method. He tried to find out original meaning which was essential thought of Confucianism, and pointed out disharmony for consistency about meaning of The Doctrine of the Mean when Jung Ja and Ju Ja interpreted The Doctrine of the Mean. It appeared as an effort of trying agreement between name and its duty, and role and function in things and act. In addition, he thought The Doctrine of the Mean as trying to follow nature, and it was the way of people to practice in bright side of mind. It is different from Ju Ja's thought which explains principle about people and things, and it has strong reality which is foundation of practice and allows dynamic energy of human life. Therefore, practice style of The Doctrine of the Mean develops filial duty as center of mass and appears manifestation of human's independence through how people pracice it. To sum up, he traced The Doctrine of the Mean as reality, practice, and physical science rather than ideal, theoretical, and metaphysical philosophy. It developed the spirit of study as understanding world as the center of human, thinking over the way of people, and studying the essence of Confucianism with practice of thought.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.129-162
• /
• 2013

Noju Oh Hui-sang was a Confucian who was active during the reign of King Sunjo in late Joseon Dynasty and he also was a master of the Sallim faction. Though he is known as an eclectic Neo-Confucian, he had profound knowledge in the study of Confucian classics as well through succeeding the family study handed down by his father Oh Jae-sun and his oldest brother Oh Yun-sang. This thesis hereby examines Noju's Confucianism doctrine and its characteristics. Noju's Confucianism doctrine is characterized significantly with the following aspects. First, its analyses are detailed overall and it annotates chapters and verses mostly related to Neo-Confucian theories on interpretation of the Confucian classics. Second, it conducts in-depth study not only on Chu Hsi's annotation but also on the small commentaries (小注) in Compendium of the Commentaries on Four Chinese Classics (四書集註大全). In terms of Chu Hsi's theory, however, Noju interprets Confucian classics while supplementing shortcomings on Chu Hsi's theory rather than opposing it. For opinions of all philosophers and scholars on small commentaries, it expresses rather critical theories than supporting ones. Third, it quotes many theories not only of Chinese Confucians but also of Korean ones. It mainly introduces theories of Namdang Han Won-jin, including those of Yi Yulgok. Among them, it particularly has frequent quotations from Han Won-jin's Kyoungyigimunrok (經義記聞錄). Fourth, Noju actively acknowledges senior Confucians' theories many times in quoting them but he also daringly points out their errors when a theory is thought not to be appropriate. He indicates errors one by one in theories not only of Uam and Yulgok but even of Mencius. Fifth, it especially discusses Book of Changes (周易) in depth. It tends to criticize Chengzi's I-Chuan (易傳) but accept Chu Hsi's Benyi (本義). It roughly explains Book of Changes in general but seldom directly accounts for trigrams of it other than Qian trigram and it has detailed explanation especially on Xicizhuan (繫辭傳).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.52
• /
• pp.69-106
• /
• 2017

Shim Dae-Yoon's ChunChuSaJeonSokJeon presented a new direction of the study about ChunChu in Chosun dynasty. It broke the rigid frame for the study about ChunChu in Chosun dynasty and was an experimental challenge trying to interpret ChunChu based on the view of Post-Neo-Confucian. This study is to identify the nature of the Shim Dae-Yoon's interpretation about ChunChu based on the view of Post-Neo-Confucian and to analyze his analytical methodology. Shim Dae-Yoon's interpretation about ChunChu, first of all, newly identified its nature beyond existing Confucian approach. Second, it attempted to approach to the true nature of ChunChu criticizing existing Confucian interpretation as well as differentiating its interpretation methodology. In this approach, Shim Dae-Yoon highlighted the realistic value of ChunChu focusing on the objectivity as a record instead of the absoluteness as a classical text. His study about ChunChu can be evaluated as a significant role in the intellectual history setting up a Post-Neo-Confucian foundation for the study about ChunChu though it failed to structure a complete theoretical frame.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.53
• /
• pp.63-100
• /
• 2017

In this article, I researched Nam Dae-nyeon's(1887~1958) thought of Neo-confucian theories, interpretation of confucian canons, and evaluation of historical figures. First, from the side of Neo-confucian theories, he asserted that Qi(氣) had behaviors and Li(理) had not. About his teacher Jeon Wu's(田愚) theories, he thought that those were in tradition of Confucius(孔子) and Mencius(孟子), but not emphasized presidence of mind. And he criticized the theory of mind was Li(理). Second, from the side of interpretation of Confucian canons, Nam Dae-nyeon's study centered on Four Books(四書). This showed he was in tradition of Neo-confucianism. Through this studies he emphasized the importance of Confucian Ren(仁) and Filial piety(孝), self-consciousness as gentry(士). Third, from the side of evaluation of historical figures, Nam Dae-nyeon evaluated many Chinese and Korean scholars, for example, Qu Yuan(屈原), Lu Zhong-lian(魯仲連), Zhen De-xiu(眞德秀), Lu Long-qi((陸?其), Zhang Lu-xiang (張履祥) of China, and Jeong Mong-ju(鄭夢周), Zho Kwang-jo(趙光祖), Yi Hwang(李滉), Yi Yi(李珥), Jeon Wu(田愚) of Korea. And his criteria for evaluation of historical figures was fidelity and insight.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.18 no.1 s.28
• /
• pp.146-174
• /
• 2005

This study analyzes a medicine and iching-study(易學) and vital meaning through a me야cal science ruler called ZhangNan(章楠) of Qing-Dynasty(淸代), but has a purpose. First of all, the writer judges that the ZhangNan's medicine did not get out of a tradition of a Rui-Yi(儒醫, Confucian medicine) medicine greatly. He considered philosophy character of Rui-Yi formed after Jin-Yuan Dynsty(金元代) a purpose of own medicine. A way he kept the human life in order to realize a large meaning of Confucianism, and to stop a disease was necessary and spoke necessity of a medicine for this. Though a medicine is small, but becomes necessary thing in order to realize Confucianism whether a medicine and Confucianism are the only each other. The ZhangNan presented Zhi-zhong-he(致中和) with a way as soon as it is a purpose of a medicine, but ZhangNan is opening the point that Xing(性) was given 'Taiji(太極)'to. If Neo-Confucianism named 'Taiji(太極)-xing(性)-li(理)' is general, but ZhangNan is introducing the Taiji with Chi(氣). ZhangNan introduces the Taiji(太極) with one Chi(氣) and is rea야ng thing with another Zhu-zai(主宰) except Taiji, but cannot but recognize this with one in characteristics of a medicine ruler. A disregard is the inferior results, and this can do entrance of the Huang-di-nei-jing(業帝內經) which put a base with Han-Dynasty(漢代) iching-study(易學) and this too. It is made concrete 'Zangfu(藏府)-Taiji', and he is considering 'Dan-tian(丹田)-Taiji‘ in a discussion about the Great Absolute to be physical too more. Also, Taiji' is describing a point of contact that a spirit and the body meet with.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.19 no.4
• /
• pp.683-696
• /
• 2013

This paper aims to study its preservation and practical application on the basis of analysis on geomorphic landscape and trail of Hwayang-Gugok(華陽九曲). The main results are as follows. 1) There are various and beautiful granitic landforms in Hwayang-Gugok. 2) The scene of Hwayang-Gugok are geomorphic resources worthy of the world cultural heritage in a point of view of relations between geomorphic landscapes and Neo-Confucianism. 3) The best effective application of Hwayang-Gugok may be geotourism. The explanatory plates to describe easily Hwayang-Gugok and training of many skilled guides are also necessary for improving the efficiency of geotourism. 4) Not only landscape restoration but also preservation of geomorphic landscapes in Hwayang-Gugok are required for sustainable geotourism, and improvements based on the results to be analysed in this paper are investigated.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.73
• /
• pp.327-360
• /
• 2018

Ryu Seongryong, a Confucian scholar and politician, are two sides of the same coin that cannot be separated from each other. The scholarship of Confucian intellectuals is oriented toward the practice of the managing state and salvation of the world(經國濟世), and the precise study of historical precedent and political scene affects the success or failure of politicians. Ryu was able to become a real savior of Joseon Dynasty in crisis, because he synthesized dialectically both without distinction between theory and field. However, previous studies on Ryu did not pay attention to these points. In this article, I would like to start from the point that Ryu was interested in the Learning of Wang Yangming without being satisfied with the Neo-Confucianism. And I want to emphasize that he had a pragmatic view that was different from the orthodox scholars and that he was able to demonstrate his ability to cope with crisis even when Joseon was hit by the Japanese invasion of 1592. In short, this article seeks to re-examine Ryu's life in terms of pragmatism and realism which pursued a balance between learning and practice.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.35
• /
• pp.275-308
• /
• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.225-260
• /
• 2012

The poetry of Haseo Jo Gyeong is first characterized by its fantasy content with mysterious and strange beings such as mountain wizards, gods of flowers, ghosts, Jujos and dragons. Such works imply the huge gap between his political ideal of Neo-Confucianism and the reality of society and are expressions of his resulting sorrow. Of course, he did not just look at reality pessimistically. Like other Neo-Confucianism scholars, he used the symbol of "spring" in his poems, which indicates that he did have optimistic belief in the world in spite of despair. In his poems, the symbol of "spring" implies the political world where the noble man grabbed the power and the sinister groups were extracted or the world where the political ethics of Neo-Confucianism was implemented. His works depicting the essence of natural objects, mountains, and rivers exhibit the characteristics of his poetry more clearly. He described the law of the universe behind natural objects and the vibrant aspects of natural objects by depicting their movements in a clear and sharp manner. Unlike the old Neo-Confucianism scholars that often created poems on the topic of acquirement of natural law and nature, he expanded his poetic world in a direction of revealing the secrets of objects. His works describing the spirit of mountains and rivers are especially noteworthy in that they implied a life attitude of moving forward in an deteriorating world bravely by manifesting strong and dynamic power. Paying attention to the secrets of natural objects, Haseo displayed his life ideal in richer ways by painting the new forms of ume flowers. Unlike the old ume flowers poems in the past, his ume flowers poems present ume flowers as ascetics that obtained truth, men of virtue that inspired contemporary people, or retired gentlemen that revealed the profound secrets of nature. While it is unique that he manifested the forms of ume flowers in ascetics and men of virtue while perceiving the dark reality of society, it is more noteworthy that he described ume flowers as the beings revealing the profound secrets of nature. It was the expression of his yearning for an innocent personality and his fear for losing the personality, clearly depicting a human form of his ego. He created a more human and realistic personality ideal by embracing the contemporary thinking based on the profound secrets of nature in his Dohak poetry[道學詩], which is a significant achievement in that it showed new changes to Dohak poetry in the 18th century.