• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.309-330
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• 2010

This paper examines the life-cycle and birth cohort effect on East Asian supranational identity. This paper also explores how national identity is related with supranational identity among Koreans. Using the 2008 CCGA-EAI survey, we analyze the determinants of supranational East Asian identity. The results suggest several interesting findings. Age and national identity have positive effects on East Asian identity. Among generational cohorts, the democratization cohort were less likely than other cohorts to have East Asian identity. These findings suggest several implications. First, in Korea, unlike other countries in the Western world, the older tend to have stronger regional identity than the younger do. Second, unlike the existing literature, this paper finds that strong national identity (pride) is complementary, rather than substitutive, to supranational regional identity. This warrants further systematic research on the microfoundation on the relationship between regional integration and nationalism in Northeast Asia.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.5
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• pp.903-941
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• 2012

This essay examines Edward Said's Culture and Imperialism focusing on the concepts of 'culture,' 'empire,' and 'nation'. The approach is critical, theoretical, and historical rather than explicatory. Consequently, the range of the essay is not limited to Said's own explanation and argument about Western imperialism and its culture presented in the book. In doing this, this essay finally purposes to be a discursive resistance to the current global empire, the United States, via a critical reading of Said's work. Said's notion of culture is set upon to disclose the function of culture as an apparatus of ideological consent of the dominated to the dominant. When applied to imperial practice, Western culture functions to subject the colonized to the colonizer. Said's geographical approach to imperialism complements the historical understanding of imperialism. Imperialism is not only the practice of Western-centered historicism but also the spatially mutual interaction between the West and the rest of the world. Along with European imperialism, Said poses the current global empire of the United States as his main target of criticism. Said's problem is that he takes the United States as a nation-state. When examined, the United States is not a nation-state, but today's empire. The empire in the appearance of the nation-state United States does not work for the interest of the American nation, that is, the American people. The empire is the transnational and postnational political and economic institution that works for the interest of global capital. In order to resist the current global empire, this essay suggests that the building or restoration of nation-states with its basic principle of people's sovereignty is in need.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.27-56
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• 2015

How should we conceptualize regions? What is the context in which new approaches to regional study take place? What is the role of historical change in the reconceptualization of regions or areas? This article addresses this issue by using two case studies to shed light on the history of regional study by comparing some of the ways in which the Middle East and Southeast Asia have been conceptualized. Accordingly, the discussion traces the ways in which these areas were understood in the 19th century by highlighting the ideas of a number of influential Victorian thinkers. The Victorians are useful because not only did British thinkers play critical roles in the shaping of modern patterns of knowledge, but their empire was global in scope, encompassing parts of both Southeast Asia and the Middle East. However, the Victorians regarded these places quite differently: Southeast Asia was frequently described as "Further India" and the Middle East was the home of the Ottoman Empire. Both of these places were at least partly understood in relation to the needs of British policy-makers, who tended to focus most of their efforts according to the needs of India-which was their most important colonial possession. The article exhibits the connections between the "Eastern Question" and end of the Ottoman Empire (and the political developments which followed) led to the creation of the concept of "Middle East". With respect to Southeast Asia, attention will be devoted to the works of Alfred Russell Wallace, Hugh Clifford, and others to see how "further India" was understood in the 19th century. In addition, it is clear that the successful deployment of the term "Southeast Asia" reflected the political needs of policy makers in wake of decolonization and the Cold War. Finally, by showing the constructive nature of regions, the article suggests one possible new path for students of Southeast Asia. If the characterization of the region is marked by arbitrary factors, it may actually point to a useful avenue of enquiry, a hermeneutic of expedience. Emphasis on the adaptive and integrative features of lived realities in Southeast Asia may well be a step beyond both the agendas of "colonial knowledge" and anti-colonial nationalism.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.31-77
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• 2011

식민지하 동남아 천년왕국 운동에 대한 오늘날의 해석들은 그 주체인 농민들을 식민주의를 개념화하고 저항하는 동기와 조건 그리고 상징을 제공하는 토착 지식의 전수자로 간주한다. 종말론과 저항에 대한 관심의 대부분은 농민연구나 지역연구 학자들로부터 유래하며, 이들은 봉기에 대한 과거의 묘사들이 토착의 정신세계를 간과했거나 국가이념을 저항세력들의 결집원리로 과대 포장한 것에 주의를 기울인다. 천년왕국 봉기에 관한 글들에서 제공하는 해석들은 동남아 신념 체계에 관한 독립적인 관점을 제공할 뿐만 아니라, 인식론적 측면에서 식민지국가들을 이와 같은 전통에서 단절시키고 있다. 영국 식민지하에서 최대의 농민반란인 서야쌍 봉기(1930-1932)는 오늘날 이와 같은 천년왕국 운동의 정수를 보여주는 사례로 간주된다. 학자들은 수천 명의 농민들로 하여금 버마인의 권위를 되찾고, 불교를 회복시키며, 식민통치로 인해 낳은 사회-경제적 부조리를 일소시킬 그들의 왕으로 믿게 만든 한 농부의 흥미로운 이야기를 묘사하고 있다. 일련의 반란이 미신에 의해 추동되었다고 간주한 식민지 관찰자들과는 달리 이후의 역사가들은 그 반란이 불교를 재건하고 태평성대로 인도할 미래부처인 미륵불의 현신에 대한 믿음의 표현이라고 해석했다. 이러한 학자들에게 서야쌍 봉기는 어떻게 동남아 사람들의 감수성이 식민지의 사회-경제적 압력 속에서도 지속되었으며, 상좌불교의 예언이 토착의 문화적 토양에 얼마나 깊이 내재해 있는지를 말해주는 사례였다. 경험적 관점에서 본 글은 서야쌍 봉기의 근원을 재해석함으로써 천년왕국 봉기에 관한 글들이 대부분 식민지적 문서화 작업과 종교를 과장되고 세속화된 화술로 믿게 하려고 지역연구자들의 산물임을 밝히고 있다. 개념적 관점에서 본고는 버마에서 일어난 천년왕국 운동의 역사적 구성에 대한 식민주의의 역할을 보다 면밀히 관찰하였다. 또한 식민지법, 학문, 그리고 식민지하 버마 농촌에서 발생한 종교적 저항에 대한 우리들의 이해를 상호 연결하는 인식론적 관계를 탐구했다. 그리하여 본고는 천년왕국 해석이 이 시기에 공존했던 다른 유형의 불교정치적 형태를 어떻게 왜곡했는가를 밝히고 있다.

• Journal of Information Technology Applications and Management
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.123-134
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• 2022

War films are a general term for films that have battlefields as their main background. Although war films as a genre directly deal with combat situations, they also deal with characters or subjects related to war. War films promote patriotism and nationalism, but they also argue against war by highlighting the disastrous war. This study is based on the color theory that the meaning of film color is temporarily and infinitely generated according to the cultural differences, with Eisenstein's creative theory on film color and pathos. I wanted to clarify the pathos effect and the meaning of color green expressed in the Korean war films. In war films, colors are visualized in art forms such as symbols, similes and metaphors. In war films, color green symbolizes life. On the battlefield, the green of nature stands against the catastrophic situation. The green of ecology, which insists on the flow of life, evokes fear in ecological crises such as war, disaster and climate change. The dark green caused by a catastrophe like war warns of the destruction of life. The connotation of color is temporarily and infinitely expands according to the cultural differences. The dark green, which visualizes the battlefield of destruction, is a form and element of pathos that indicates changes in emotions such as sadness, pity, grief and despair. Pathos as an emotional appeal is a leap from the quality to the quality of the means of expression and refers to the departure from Dasein. The green color that dominates the visuals of war films is a symbol of life and functions as a pathos that makes emotional changes take a new leap. A qualitative leap through pathos means all changes that become new.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.29
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• pp.209-241
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• 2012

Is a failed blockbuster film? Is there no room for reconsideration of the value of the film in terms of its contents and forms? The purpose of this study is to answer these questions. In 2007, SHIM Hyung-rae's was in the limelight due to the nationalist discourse around the film rather than evaluation of the film itself. In terms of its narrative and formal properties, the film showed the difference from the Korean nationalist blockbuster films. It led to the disaccord and hard-to-understand results of having somewhat disappointed box-office success of 8,500,000 audiences in comparison to the input, of receiving well by a generous part of the audiences absorbed by nationalism, and of getting the critics' cynic criticism of the film's cinematic value. Eventually only provided the cultural battlefield of nationalism, was left as an unnoticed film in the realm of industry and criticism. However, it was interesting that there was a common ground between the film's supporters and the cynic critics. Both sides were being acknowledged that the spectacle of was way out of proportion to the degree that the spectacle was unbalanced with the story unfolding, achieved more than expected. Its spectacle overwhelming the narrative enfever a few audiences, and at the same time, it provided some reasons making critics face away from the film. In this context, the purpose of this study is to examine 's aesthetics that 'the spectacle dominating narrative' or 'the narrative as a pretext for showing spectacle,' leading to discussion of artistic/theoretical/critical value and to find out cinematic value of the film being regarded as a failure. In addition, this study is significant in that it suggests that is a new kind of moving image that it cannot be analyzed with existed critical methods of narrative film criticism; as a result, this study provides the chance to be evaluated through a new conceptual frame of the film. In order to grasp the narratological aesthetics, this study focuses on the concept of trickality that Andre Gaudreault suggests, and Tom Gunning's 'the cinema of attractions,' referring to the spectacle-oriented narrativity or the mode of production displaying the spectacle more than the narrative.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.39-85
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• 2020

This paper examines the aspects of disaster narrative, which makes the most of the concept of 'masterplot' as a narrative simulation to solve problems. By analyzing and comparing the remnants of 'masterplots' operating in the disaster narratives of Korea, the United States, and Japan, the differences between each country and social community problem recognition and resolution will be discussed. Disaster narrative is the most suitable genre for applying the 'masterplot' toward community problem solving in today's global risk society, and the problem-solving method has cognitive differences for each community. First, in the case of American disaster narratives, civilian experts' response to natural disasters tracks the changes of heroes in today's 'Marvel Comic Universe' (MCU). Compared to the past, the close relationship between heroism and nationalism has been reduced, but the state remains functional even if it is bolstered by the heroes' voluntary cooperation and reflection ability. On the other hand, in Korea's disaster narratives, the disappearance of the country and paralysis of the function are foregrounded. In order to fill the void, a new family narrative occurs, consisting of a righteous army or people abandoned by the state. Korea's disaster narratives are sensitive to changes after the disaster, and the nation's recovery never returns to normal after the disaster. Finally, Japan's disaster narratives are defensive and neurotic. A fully state-led bureaucratic system depicts an obsessive nationalism that seeks to control all disasters, or even counteracts anti-heroic individuals who reject voluntary sacrifices and even abandon disaster conditions This paper was able to diagnose the impact and value of a 'masterplot' today by comparing a series of 'masterplots' and their variations and uses. In a time when the understanding and utilization of 'masterplots' are becoming more and more important in today's world where Over-the top(OTT) services are being provided worldwide, this paper attempt could be a fragmentary model for the distribution and sharing of global stories.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.77
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• pp.73-112
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• 2010

This study aims to explore the character and problem of multicultural society in Korea in terms of the concept of moral panics. Its major issues are dealt with as follows: Firstly, this essay will apply two concepts of culture in multiculturalism - the pattern of meaning and a study of perfection- to three degrees of multicultural members: by individual, by groups and by a society as a whole. In this approach, moral panics of multicultural society in Korea have been manipulated by the secondary definitions like Korean government and media. In this study, however, the resource of the panics would be seen as nationalism in Korean history. To remove it in this essay, the conception of the pattern of meaning, which makes members understand others outer their norms, should be harmonized with that of a study of perfection by which they have identities. Secondly, the main subject of multiculturalism in Korea should at least be majority (groups)-Korean, not minority (groups)-foreigners. A stereotype of foreigners by majority is an image distorted by nationalities and races. People, for example, with the white skin from advanced countries are recognized as superior, while those born in the countries of Southeast Asia are, consciously or unconsciously, discriminated and have low positions due to socio-economic stratification in Korea. In this sense, a study of multicultural society in Korea should go forward to the inner direction to majority, because it is one of the real moral panics in Korea. In conclusion, it is important that there must be a study of identity which we can have of others in multicultural studies of Korea. It enables us to meet the conception of diversity. In that Korean government and media have neglected the danger of nationalism, it is also necessary that this study have any foundation of morality in ethics, which can give useful alternatives to the given polices of the secondary definitions.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.1
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• pp.395-423
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• 2006

The purpose of this study was to investigate the various contents of legal life's conflicts and constitutional applications by analysing on the constitutional judicial precedents regarding to social welfare law. The total cases of constitutional precedents are 62 totally, and 22 precedents among 62 are analysed through content analysis. These 22 constitutional precedents consist of nine cases of concerning Social Insurance Act, six cases in National Pension Act, two cases in National Basic Livelihood Protection Act and one cases in Social Welfare and Service Act. The major contents of these precedents are regarding to operational principles of social insurance system, rule of entitlements, benefits, social welfare organizations and the constitutional right such as property right, equal right, right of happiness. And also there are precedents to review how the rule of Act is interpreted or how the process of right protection is. Findings in this study show that Korean Constitutional Law has characteristics of welfare nationalism and social capital economics orientations, and sanctions legislation and administration discretion.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.223-265
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• 2002

In United States black mothers have consistently been treated as national outsiders, as women whose children, although ostensibly entitled to full citizenship, are in practice rarely provided with equal protection within the nation′s borders or under its laws. From the time he began writing in the aftermath of the failures of national Reconstruction, the African American public intellectual and political activist W. E. B. Du Bois realized that a truly effective anti-racist politics would also have to contend with the particular ways in which U.S. racism targeted black mothers. In short, he understood that an effective anti-racism would necessarily have to be a form of anti-sexism. This article examines the myriad ways in which Du Bois attempted to reconstruct the relationship between race and reproduction in the interest of producing anti-racist, anti-nationalist, as well as internationalist thinking. In so doing it treats the various representations of black maternity and child birth that Du Bois created, and elaborates on the rhetorical and political function of these representations in combating the racialization of national belonging on the one hand, and in articulating universal black citizenship, or what this article theorizes as racial globality on the other. The article begins by considering Du Bois′s attempts to transcend ideas about the racialized reproductive body as a source of national belonging within the United States, particularly his efforts to contest the idea of the reconstructing nation as a white nation reproduced exclusively by white women. Through analysis of Du Bois′s depiction of the birth and death of his son in his monumental work The Souls of Black Folk (1903) it demonstrates his reluctance to build an anti-racist politics founded on the idea that belonging within the nation is something that can be bestowed by one′s mother. The article proceeds by turning to Du Bois less well-known romantic novel, Dark Princess (1928) in which, by contrast, he depicts the birth of a "golden chi1d" who belongs not only within the United States, but within the world. This child, the son of an African American man and an Indian Princess, is cast as a messenger and messiah of a utopian alliance between pan-Asia and pan-Africa. In exploring the relationship between these two reproductive portraits, the article moves from a discussion of Du Bois′s critique of the ideological construction of the U.S. as a white nation reproduced by white progenitors, to an examination the literary figuration of a b1aek mother out of whose womb a black diasporic anti-imperialist alliance springs. In contrast to previous scholarship, which has tended to focus on the critique of U.S. racial nationalism that Du Bois expressed in his early work, or on the internationalism that he later embraced, this article pays close attention to how Du Bois′s anti-nationalist and internationalist politics together subtended by subtle, but constitutive, sexual politics.