• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.131-158
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• 2011

In the Sakha(Yakutia) Republic, culture and politics continue to be interwined. Shamanism recently has come out of hiding after Soviet repression, and into fashion. Images of the shaman are changing in villages, where traditional healers have maintained their practices in difficult conditions, and in cities, where a resurgence of spirit belief and healing has led to the revitalization of their nationalism. Shamans and folk healers manipulate their own images, and in turn are changed by the upheavals of politicized cultural revitalization. In this complex and interactive context, folklore about traditional shamans has become especially rich and accessible. I argue here that religion has become an idiom through which competing definitions of homeland and national pride are being shaped. Until September 2002, Yakutsk had never had a 'temple' devoted to the practice of traditional shamanic beliefs. Indeed the whole concept that a building 'Archie Jiete' could contain or represent the beliefs, values and rituals of the Sakha people was new, and highly controversial.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.273-289
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• 2019

The goal of this study is to analyze topics discussed in academic papers on multiculture in Korea to figure out research trends in the field. In order to do topic analysis, LDA (Latent Dirichlet Allocation)-based topic modeling methods are employed. Through the analysis, it is possible to track topic changes in the field and it is found that topics related to 'social integration' and 'multicultural education in schools' are hot topics, and topics related to 'cultural identity and nationalism' are cold topics among top five topics in the field.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-19
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• 2020

Trends toward an influx of new migrants have been pronounced in East Asia through a development we call the third round of migrant incorporation. At the same time, other features of East Asian societies, such as strong levels of ethnic nationalism, have changed little, posing challenges to multiculturalism. In this introduction to this special issue, we review the latest research trends broadly concerning multiculturalism, migrant groups that have received little attention, racism and xenophobia. We first discuss the state of migrant incorporation in East Asia and the limits of multiculturalism in this region, where various features of the developmental state persist. We then introduce research on voices opposing multiculturalism in East Asia. This introduction highlights what is peculiar―and ordinary―about migrant incorporation and the associated challenges in East Asia.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.287-302
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• 2020

Social Evolution was the most influential idea in modern China. Chinese intellectuals, who had made the survival of their country and people a top priority in the face of threats from Western powers, accepted the theory of social evolution as an idea calling for national unity. For Liang Qi chao, the theory of social evolution was a reason to raise the modern nation-state and the new people, along with the need for reform. This article examines that philosophical content and meaning modern Chinese social evolution has around his concept of "nation". His ideas, which are regarded as the origin of Asian nationalism, reflect his belief in and will toward a nation-state, and occupy a unique position in the political history of modern China.

• 중국학논총
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• no.68
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• pp.141-161
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze China's political education, which plays a role of vehicle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoting its ideological strategy, in order to figure out the utility of the CCP's ideological strategy. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP rebuilt and reinforced political education in China according to its ideological strategy. Especially after the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the CCP made nationalism and patriotism as the core part of political education, and expanded its curriculum. Such reinforcement of political education has a advantage in maintaining the CCP's governance by creating a nationalist consensus against the western ideas. Although it can be helpful for the stability of domestic politics, it also has negative possibilities which isolate China in the global community and obstruct China's development.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.7-33
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• 2023

Numerous journalistic and literary writings about the Indian writer Rabindranath Tagore, the first Asian awardee of the Nobel Prize for Literature (1913), appeared in newspapers of colonial Vietnam. His stop-over in Saigon (Cochin China) in 1929 created political discussions in contemporary journalism and other publications. Tagore and his visit to Saigon inspired Vietnamese intellectuals and stirred diverse anti-colonial thought. This paper examines writings and images about Tagore in colonial Vietnamese journals and newspapers, reconstructing how intellectuals recalled and imagined him as they also engaged with anti-colonial thought, particularly anti-colonial modernity and anti-capitalism. Contextualizing the reception of Tagore in colonial projects of modernizing the Vietnamese colony, the paper argues that discussions inspired by Tagore's visit embody contemporary nationalist ideology.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-25
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• 2009

The diversity of Southeast Asian culture and society has been made by two factors: geopolitical environment and colonialism. The geopolitical position of the region between China Seas and Indian Ocean has made it possible that diverse cultures from Northeast Asia especially China and India, Middle East and Europe have flowed into the region. The fact that Southeast Asia was colonized by various European nations has provided additional diversity. The diversity manifests itself most clearly in the culture of Southeast Asia which has various layers: On the bottom lay the indigenous one, and above it Chinese and Indian and Islamic cultures and finally European one.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.27
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• pp.267-361
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• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.31
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• pp.199-235
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• 2018

Most of the new religions derived from Jeungsan have claimed that Jeungsan's religious thought reproduced Dangun [檀君] Thought in its original form. However, Daesoon Jinrihoe is the only religious order out of the many new religions within the Jeungsan lineage, which has constantly kept its distance from Dangun Thought since 1909 during the earliest period of proto-Daesoon Jinrihoe. Even a mere trace of Dangun cannot be found in the subject of faith or the doctrinal system of Daesoon Jinrihoe. In this context, this study aims to examine possible connections between Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought in order to determine why other Jeungsanist religions frequently exhibit Dangunist features. Specifically, a major part of this study will be devoted to comparing and analyzing the narrative structure of Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought as well as their respective motifs. In fact, Jeungsan does not seem to have ever mentioned Dangun in his recorded teachings, therefore, after his passing into the Heaven, most of the religious orders including Daesoon Jinrihoe derived from him did not pay any attention to Dangun Thought for almost for 40 years. These orders did not originally perceive Dangun as an object of belief. After Korea's liberation, Dangun became widely accepted as a pivotal role among the Korean people. As Dangun-nationalism claimed to unify Koreans as one great Korean ethnic society, the religious orders of Jeungsan lineage also climbed aboard this creed and their faiths or doctrines were acculturated to reflect this change. The reason for this has been attributed to following modern trends to increase success in propagation. In the meantime, Daesoon Jinrihoe was the only order that did not accept Dangun-nationalism because it was not a teaching given by the order's founder. And the two systems of thought have more dissimilarity than parallelism in terms of philosophical ideology. These seem to be the main reasons why Daesoon Jinrihoe did not adopt Dangun into its doctrine or belief system.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.113-138
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• 2014

Despite the growing numbers of regional problems (e.g. conflicts between the state and localities, inter-local conflicts, etc.) associated with the state-led developmental projects, the Korean social sciences have been unable to offer satisfying explanations and solutions to the regional problems. This is mainly because the existing works, which have been taken captured by the assumptions of "methodological nationalism", significantly lack the socio-spatial understandings of the state actions and the relations between the state and localities, thereby seeing the issues of regional development mainly in terms of either the economic efficiency defined at the national scale, or the plan rationality of the national bureaucrats. With this problem orientation in mind, this paper aims to explore the ways in which the state and localities are interacting, conflicting and negotiating with one another through the mediation of the state-led developmental projects. Focusing on the developmental processes of Masan Export Processing Zone from the mid-1960s to the early 1970s, it examines the multi-scalar processes through which the state-led industrial complex developmental processes have been influenced by the complex and dynamic interactions among social forces and actors acting at diverse geographical scales (e.g. the global, national, local, urban, etc.). This analysis shows that the regional policies of the Korean developmental state were more heavily influenced by the interactions, contestations, and collaborations among social forces and actors, acting in and through the state, at various geographical scales, rather than by the economic and techno-bureaucratic rationality.