• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.3
• /
• pp.32-53
• /
• 2018

The $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$(正倉院) is the detached storage building for Japanese treasures that belongs to $T{\bar{o}}dai-ji$ in Nara, Japan. The reason why $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections are drawing attention is that Japanese artifacts, sculptures, paintings, and other objects that were introduced through the Silk Road, such as Sasanian Persia and India, and those that were introduced from the Unified Silla and Tang China. In addition, hundreds of well-preserved documents of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections play an important role as a historical reference material covering not only the social situation of the time but also the history of exchange of cultural diplomacy and the change of Buddhist doctrine. In particular, some of collections of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ were made in China and may have been imported or received as gifts, but many of the artifacts made in Baekje and Unified Silla are becoming more and more important. This paper examined the research status of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ metal crafts of Korean and foreign scholars, and examined the association with the relics of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ through metal crafts excavated from the Korean Peninsula. The research on the future direction of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections should be summarized as follows. 1. Systematization of state-level support and single window for the research of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 2. Accurate listing and database of $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 3. The positive implementation of joint research with Japan and invitation of researchers related to $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 4. The exchange exhibition between the Korean National Treasures and the $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections 5. Expansion of the research base through the publication and support of books related to $Sh{\bar{o}}s{\bar{o}}-in$ collections.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.133-172
• /
• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.98
• /
• pp.22-53
• /
• 2020

This paper analyzes the contents, characteristics, and historical significance of the dedicatory inscriptions (josanggi) on the Amitabha Buddha and the Maitreya Bodhisattva statues of Gamsansa Temple, two masterpieces of Buddhist sculpture from the Unified Silla period. In the first section, I summarize research results from the past century (divided into four periods), before presenting a new perspective and methodology that questions the pre-existing notion that the Maitreya Bodhisattva has a higher rank than the Amitabha Buddha. In the second section, through my own analysis of the dedicatory inscriptions, arrangement, and overall appearance of the two images, I assert that the Amitabha Buddha sculpture actually held a higher rank and greater significance than the Maitreya Bodhisattva sculpture. In the third section, for the first time, I provide a new interpretation of two previously undeciphered characters from the inscriptions. In addition, by comparing the sentence structures from the respective inscriptions and revising the current understanding of the author (chanja) and calligrapher (seoja), I elucidate the possible meaning of some ambiguous phrases. Finally, in the fourth section, I reexamine the content of both inscriptions, differentiating between the parts relating to the patron (josangju), the dedication (josang), and the prayers of the patrons or donors (balwon). In particular, I argue that the phrase "for my deceased parents" is not merely a general axiom, but a specific reference. To summarize, the dedicatory inscriptions can be interpreted as follows: when Kim Jiseong's parents died, they were cremated and he scattered most of their remains by the East Sea. But years later, he regretted having no physical memorial of them to which to pay his respects. Thus, in his later years, he donated his estate on Gamsan as alms and led the construction of Gamsansa Temple. He then commissioned the production of the two stone sculptures of Amitabha Buddha and Maitreya Bodhisattva for the temple, asking that they be sculpted realistically to reflect the actual appearance of his parents. Finally, he enshrined the remains of his parents in the sculptures through the hole in the back of the head (jeonghyeol). The Maitreya Bodhisattva is a standing image with a nirmanakaya, or "transformation Buddha," on the crown. As various art historians have pointed out, this iconography is virtually unprecedented among Maitreya images in East Asian Buddhist sculpture, leading some to speculate that the standing image is actually the Avalokitesvara. However, anyone who reads the dedicatory inscription can have no doubt that this image is in fact the Maitreya. To ensure that the sculpture properly embodied his mother (who wished to be reborn in Tushita Heaven with Maitreya Bodhisattva), Kim Jiseong combined the iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara (the reincarnation of compassion). Hence, Kim Jiseong's deep love for his mother motivated him to modify the conventional iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara. A similar sentiment can be found in the sculpture of Amitabha Buddha. To this day, any visitor to the temple who first looks at the sculptures from the front before reading the text on the back will be deeply touched by the filial love of Kim Jiseong, who truly cherished the memory of his parents.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.101
• /
• pp.12-46
• /
• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.104
• /
• pp.40-69
• /
• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.96
• /
• pp.18-53
• /
• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
• /
• v.28 no.5
• /
• pp.550-558
• /
• 2014

This study was conducted to investigate the distribution and the population dynamics of Hipparchia autonoe by using a line transect and Mark-Release-Recapture (MRR) at the Mt. Halla in Jeju Island. The results showed that H. autonoe was found from 1,500 m above the sea level. Total 1,493 H. autonoe with 978 males and 515 females were captured and released in the MRR study site. Among them, 518 individuals including 284 males and 234 females were recaptured. The average survival time was 2.31 days with 2.14 days for males and 3.47 days for females, indicating longer survival time in case of females than males. The daily population size of males estimated in the MRR study site was maintained about 1,000 individuals in July and gradually decreased less than 200 in August. The number of females showed peak at 335 individuals on July 24, and gradually decreased less than 120 in August. Thus, female population was 1/3 of males. The average travel distance of male and female H. autonoe were $116.8{\pm}191.9m$ and $118.4{\pm}161.5m$, respectively, indicating almost same between sexes. H. autonoe in the Mt. Halla formed single population group in the wide meadow around the Baekrokdam Lake. The highest population density of H. autonoe was occurred in the restored area from damages, where host plants such as the sheep's fescue or the food plant are abundant by artificial restoration efforts.

• Korean Journal of Poultry Science
• /
• v.42 no.1
• /
• pp.1-8
• /
• 2015

Recently, duck meat consumption has been rapidly increased because consumers recognized duck meat for healthy food. In relation to this, Korean duck industry need to develop Korean native duck (KND) breed for both conservation perspective and self-sufficient of the breeding stocks. In this study, 24 microsatellite (MS) markers were investigated for classification of KND and commercial duck (CD) breeds in the Korean market. Using these MS markers, the calculated number of alleles (K), expected heterozygosity (He) values and polymorphic information contents (PIC) were 1~16, 0~0.865 and 0~0.841, respectively. Also, the expected probability of identical values in random individuals (PI), random sib ($PI_{sib}$) and random half-sib ($PI_{half-sib}$) were estimated as $1.64{\times}10^{-16}$, $2.60{\times}10^{-7}$ and $1.30{\times}10^{-12}$, respectively. The results indicated that the expected probabilities of identity powers were enough for the individual identification. However, KND and CD breeds were not fully discriminated well using the 24 MS markers, which may CD and KND has shared same origin or crossbred. Therefore, further studies will be ultimately needed for developing a genetically pure line of KND breed even though the DNA markers used. Finally, these results will provide useful information for individual traceability system in ducks.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
• /
• v.33 no.4
• /
• pp.329-336
• /
• 2012

In September 2009, a perfectly preserved fossil of a dinosaur egg nest was discovered in the Cretaceous formations of the Aphaedo area in Shinan, Jeollanam-do, South Korea. In order to estimate the age of dinosaur eggshells and the depositional age of the Cretaceous sediments in Aphaedo area, a whole-rock K-Ar dating was carried out on volcanic pebbles showing a sedimentary structure contemporaneous with the Aphaedo strata, acidic tuffs overlaying the strata conformably, and acidic dike rocks intrude to both of them. Volcanic rocks observed in the strata are 3-20 cm in diameter as pebbles found in lenticular conglomerate and pebble bearing mudstone strata. K-Ar whole-rock dating was performed on six different volcanic pebbles which show a sedimentary structure contemporaneous with the dinosaur egg nest contained in the strata, and all samples show Late Cretaceous ages: Cenomanian ($97.6{\pm}1.9$Ma), Coniacian ($87.6{\pm}1.7$ Ma), Santonian ($84.5{\pm}1.7$Ma) or Campanian ($82.5{\pm}1.6$, $77.3{\pm}1.5$, $75.7{\pm}1.5$ Ma). The K-Ar whole-rock age of acidic tuffs overlaying the Cretaceous formation conformably was estimated to be Campanian ($79.2{\pm}1.6$ or $77.3{\pm}1.5$Ma), when the dating was carried out under the same conditions. The acidic dike intruding both Cretaceous formation and acidic tuff showed a K-Ar whole-rock age of $70.9{\pm}1.4$Ma (Campanian). Therefore, the depositional age of the Cretaceous formation in the Aphaedo area and the time when dinosaurs lived in the study area are considered to be 77-83 Ma. Such results indicate that the ages of dinosaur eggshells from Aphaedo area can be correlated with the ages of the Seonso Formation (81Ma) with dinosaur egg nest fossils and the Uhangri Formation (79-81Ma) with dinosaur, pterosaur and web-footed bird tracks.

• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
• /
• v.38 no.1 s.110
• /
• pp.73-82
• /
• 2005

This study was conducted, based on the field survey and laboratory observations, to elucidate egg developmental processes and their characteristics of the Korean slender gudgeon, Squalidus gracilis majimae. For the experiments, the mature adults were collected at the Woongcheon-Cheon Stream and Boreung Reservoir located in Boreung City, Chungnam Province and eggs were obtained from the natural spawning area. Morphological characteristics of the egg and embryonic development were summarized as follows: The shape of the fertilized egg was spherical, adhesive and transparent. The fertilized egg was 2.9${\pm}$0.3 mm (n = 30) in mean diameter under water temperature of $26{\pm}1.5^{\circ}C$, light white in color and had no oil droplets. After 20 minutes from the time of fertilization, a blastodisc was formed and divided into two cells at 48 minutes after fertilization. The blastular stage occurred at 5 hours 40 minutes after fertilization and the gastrular stage was detected at 8 hours 41 minutes after fertilization. The beginning of embryo formation was observed at 12 hours 58 minutes after fertilization and optic vesicles and 9 somites were discovered at 17 hours 05 minutes after fertilization. Differentiation of brains and embryo wiggling were observed at 37 hours 27 minutes after fertilization. Heart beating and the formation of melanophores in optic vesicles were detected at 44 hours 46 minutes after fertilization. The formation of pectoral fins and melanophores in the body were discovered at 50 hours 36 minutes after fertilization. Hatching occurred at 57 hours 49 minutes after fertilization. The newly hatched larvae were 3.3${\pm}$0.2 mm (n = 120) in total length. We believe that these results may contribute the species and population conservations under the situation of accelerated water pollution and the decreases of its diversity.