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Clinical Features and the Natural History of Dietary Protein Induced Proctocolitis: a Study on the Elimination of Offending Foods from the Maternal Diet (식품 단백질 유발성 직결장염의 임상 소견과 식이 조절에 관한 연구)

  • Choi, Seon Yun;Park, Moon Ho;Choi, Won Joung;Kang, Una;Oh, Hoon Kyu;Kam, Sin;Hwang, Jin-Bok
    • Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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    • v.8 no.1
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    • pp.21-30
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    • 2005
  • Purpose: The aim of this study was to identify the clinical features and natural history of dietary protein induced proctocolitis (DPIPC) and to detect the causative foods of DPIPC, and to evaluate the effect of elimination of the foods on the course of the disease. Methods: Between March 2003 and July 2004, data from 30 consecutive patients with DPIPC who were followed for over 6 months, was reviewed. The diagnostic criterion used for DPIPC was an increase in the number of eosinophils in the lamina propria (${\geq}60per$ 10 high-power fields). In breast feeding mothers, 5 highly allergenic foods were eliminated from the maternal diet for 7 days, namely, allergenic food groups such as dairy products, eggs, nuts and soybean, fish and shellfish, and wheat and buckwheat. We observed the disappearance or appearance of hematochezia after elimination or challenge with the offending foods. Results: Before diagnosis infants were breast-fed (93.3%) or formula-fed (6.7%). Mean age at symptom onset was $11.5{\pm}5.1$ (5~24) weeks, and mean age at diagnosis was $17.8{\pm}9.5$ (8~56) weeks. Duration from symptom onset to diagnosis was $6.3{\pm}6.7$ (0~36) weeks. Mean peripheral blood eosinophil count was $478{\pm}320$ (40~1,790)/$mm^3$ and eosinophilia (> $250/mm^3$) was observedin 90.0% of patients. None of patients were found to have an increased serum IgE level. Of 15 patients that received sigmoidoscopy, nodular hyperplasia with erosion was observed in 93.3%. Of 27 patients whose mother ate the diet eliminated the 5 food groups, hematochezia diappeared in 74.1% of patients. Offending foods were identified as dairy products (37.5%), wheat and buckwheat (27.5%), fish and shellfish (20.0%), nuts and soybean (7.5%) and eggs (7.5%). A free maternal diet without patient's clinical symptoms was achieved at $29.4{\pm}8.7$ (9~44) weeks of patient's age, and a free baby diet without blood in stools was achieved at $37.5{\pm}9.7$ (12~56) weeks of age. Conclusion: DPIPC commonly occurs in exclusively breast-fed babies. Elimination of the above-mentioned 5 hyper-allergenic food groups from the maternal diet for 7days enables the detection of the offending foods. DPIPC is a transient disorder and 96.0% of patients can tolerate the offending foods at 12 months of age.

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A Study of Knowledge, Attitude, and Practice Relative to Maternal and Child Health Among Women Residing in Apartments at Yonsei Community Health Area (연세지역 아파트 주민의 모자보건에 관한 실태조사)

  • Yu, Seung-Hum;Chung, Young-Sook;Lee, Kyung-Ja;Kim, Kwang-Jong
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.77-87
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    • 1971
  • A study of the knowledge, attitude and practices about the maternal and child health of 305 married women residing in apartments at the Yonsei Community Health area was conducted during the period from November to December 1970 using designed questionnaire with well trained interviewers. The results and findings obtained from the study are summarized as follows: A. Pregnancy and Birth Questions were asked about their last child. 1. 16.4% of the women were pregnant. 2. Among 281 women who had experienced delivery, 48.0% were assisted by doctor or midwisves for their last delivery, while the rest of women delivered their last baby at home without any professional's assistance. The higher the level of education or the greater exposure to mass communication, the more the deliveries were assisted by doctors or midwives. Those women who were born and raised in cities had more deliveries assisted by doctors and midwives than those who were not. 3. Kinds of delivery sheets used. Among 141 cases of home delivery 68% used cement bag paper or vinyl sheets. Three% used nothing and remained used unsterile materials. 4. Among 141 cases of home delivery, 70.2% used scissors. The rest of them used other methods. 5. 47.3% of the women had a rest for one month or more after birth. The higher the level of education, the longer the period of rest was observed. 6. 52.4% of the women fed the colostrum to their babies. This was not related to the mother's education. 7 About half(42.9%) of the women had poor knowledge about a proper diet for the pre and post natal period. B. Child Health 1. Knowledge and practice regarding to the immunization for their children: Most of the women (93.2%) could name at least one kind of immunization. 20.3% could name 6 kinds of immunization. Mothers education level did not influence their ability to name immunizations. 85.2% of children had been immunized at least once. 2. Morbidity of last born children: 48.1% of their last born children were found to have been sick during the last year. Less than half(41.5%) of the sick children were seen by doctor. 3. Counselling at well baby clinic: Most of the women(76.5%) had no counselling for their children. Registration rate at the well baby clinic at the Severance Hospital was 13.2%. 45.9% wanted to visit to the well baby clinic at the Severance Hospital. 4. Weaning Period: 44.6% said that the beginning of the weaning for their last born children was from 6 months to twelve months of age. The most important reason of weaning was the health of both mothers and children. 5. Knowledge and Practice regarding birth and death Registration: 64.6% of the women could name correctly the Ku-office as the place for the registration. Only 29.2% registered the birth of their last born children within 14 days. C. Knowledge, Attitude and Practice regarding to family planning Most: of the women accepted the idea of family planning. 97.7% could name at least one contraceptive method. 35.4% were found to be current users of contraceptive methods. The ideal number of children was 3.1 in average.

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A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토)

  • Kang, Kwanshik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

New Trends in the Production of One Hundred Fans Paintings in the Late Joseon Period: The One Hundred Fans Painting in the Museum am Rothenbaum Kulturen und Künste der Welt in Germany and Its Original Drawings at the National Museum of Korea (조선말기 백선도(百扇圖)의 새로운 제작경향 - 독일 로텐바움세계문화예술박물관 소장 <백선도(百扇圖)>와 국립중앙박물관 소장 <백선도(百扇圖) 초본(草本)>을 중심으로 -)

  • Kwon, Hyeeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.239-260
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    • 2019
  • This paper examines the circulation and dissemination of painting during and after the nineteenth century through a case study on the One Hundred Fans paintings produced as decorative folding screens at the time. One Hundred Fans paintings refer to depictions of layers of fans in various shapes on which pictures of diverse themes are drawn. Fans and paintings on fans were depicted on paintings before the nineteenth century. However, it was in the nineteenth century that they began to be applied as subject matter for decorative paintings. Reflecting the trend of enjoying extravagant hobbies, fans and paintings on fans were mainly produced as folding screens. The folding screen of One Hundred Fans from the collection of the Museum am Rothenbaum Kulturen und Künste der Welt (hereafter Rothenbaum Museum) in Germany was first introduced to Korean in the exhibition The City in Art, Art in the City held at the National Museum of Korea in 2016. Each panel in this six-panel folding screen features more than five different fans painted with diverse topics. This folding screen is of particular significance since the National Museum of Korea holds the original drawings. In the nineteenth century, calligraphy and painting that had formerly been enjoyed by Joseon royal family members and the nobility in private spaces began to spread among common people and was distributed through markets. In accordance with the trend of adorning households, colorful decorative paintings were preferred, leading to the popularization of the production of One Hundred Fans folding screens with pictures in different shapes and themes. A majority of the Korean collection in the Rothenbaum Museum belonged to Heinrich Constantin Eduard Meyer(1841~1926), a German businessman who served as the Joseon consul general in Germany. From the late 1890s until 1905, Meyer traveled back and forth between Joseon and Germany and collected a wide range of Korean artifacts. After returning to Germany, he sequentially donated his collections, including One Hundred Fans, to the Rothenbaum Museum. Folding screens like One Hundred Fans with their fresh and decorative beauty may have attracted the attention of foreigners living in Joseon. The One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum is an intriguing work in that during its treatment, a piece of paper with the inscription of the place name "Donghyeon" was found pasted upside down on the back of the second panel. Donghyeon was situated in between Euljiro 1-ga and Euljiro 2-ga in present-day Seoul. During the Joseon Dynasty, a domestic handicraft industry boomed in the area based on licensed shops and government offices, including the Dohwaseo (Royal Bureau of Painting), Hyeminseo (Royal Bureau of Public Dispensary), and Jangagwon (Royal Bureau of Music). In fact, in the early 1900s, shops selling calligraphy and painting existed in Donghyeon. Thus, it is very likely that the shops where Meyer purchased his collection of calligraphy and painting were located in Donghyeon. The six-panel folding screen One Hundred Fans in the collection of the Rothenbaum Museum is thought to have acquired its present form during a process of restoring Korean artifacts works in the 1980s. The original drawings of One Hundred Fans currently housed in the National Museum of Korea was acquired by the National Folk Museum of Korea between 1945 and 1950. Among the seven drawings of the painting, six indicate the order of their panels in the margins, which relates that the painting was originally an eight-panel folding screen. Each drawing shows more than five different fans. The details of these fans, including small decorations and patterns on the ribs, are realistically depicted. The names of the colors to be applied, including 'red ocher', 'red', 'ink', and 'blue', are written on most of the fans, while some are left empty or 'oil' is indicated on them. Ten fans have sketches of flowers, plants, and insects or historical figures. A comparison between these drawings and the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum has revealed that their size and proportion are identical. This shows that the Rothenbaum Museum painting follows the directions set forth in the original drawings. The fans on the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum are painted with images on diverse themes, including landscapes, narrative figures, birds and flowers, birds and animals, plants and insects, and fish and crabs. In particular, flowers and butterflies and fish and crabs were popular themes favored by nineteenth century Joseon painters. It is noteworthy that the folding screen One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum includes several scenes recalling the typical painting style of Kim Hong-do, unlike other folding screens of One Hundred Fans or Various Paintings and Calligraphy. As a case in point, the theme of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" is depicted in the Rothenbaum folding screen even though it is not commonly included in folding screens of One Hundred Fans or One Hundred Paintings due to spatial limitations. The scene of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" in the Rothenbaum folding screen bears a resemblance to Kim Hong-do's folding screen of Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden at the National Museum of Korea in terms of its composition and style. Moreover, a few scenes on the Rothenbaum folding screen are similar to examples in the Painting Album of Byeongjin Year produced by Kim Hong-do in 1796. The painter who drew the fan paintings on the Rothenbaum folding screen is presumed to have been influenced by Kim Hong-do since the fan paintings of a landscape similar to Sainsam Rock, an Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden, and a Pair of Pheasants are all reminiscent of Kim's style. These paintings in the style of Kim Hong-do are reproduced on the fans left empty in the original drawings. The figure who produced both the original drawings and fan paintings appears to have been a professional painter influenced by Kim Hong-do. He might have appreciated Kim's Painting Album of Byeongjin Year or created duplicates of Painting Album of Byeongjin Year for circulation in the art market. We have so far identified about ten folding screens remaining with the One Hundred Fans. The composition of these folding screens are similar each other except for a slight difference in the number and proportion of the fans or reversed left and right sides of the fans. Such uniform composition can be also found in the paintings of scholar's accoutrements in the nineteenth century. This suggests that the increasing demand for calligraphy and painting in the nineteenth century led to the application of manuals for the mass production of decorative paintings. As the demand for colorful decorative folding screens with intricate designs increased from the nineteenth century, original drawings began to be used as models for producing various paintings. These were fully utilized when making large-scale folding screens with images such as Guo Ziyi's Enjoyment-of-Life Banquet, Banquet of the Queen Mother of the West, One Hundred Children, and the Sun, Cranes and Heavenly Peaches, all of which entailed complicated patterns. In fact, several designs repeatedly emerge in the extant folding screens, suggesting the use of original drawings as models. A tendency toward using original drawings as models for producing folding screens in large quantities in accordance with market demand is reflected in the production of the folding screens of One Hundred Fans filled with fans in different shapes and fan paintings on diverse themes. In the case of the folding screens of One Hundred Paintings, bordering frames are drawn first and then various paintings are executed inside the frames. In folding screens of One Hundred Fans, however, fans in diverse forms were drawn first. Accordingly, it must have been difficult to produce them in bulk. Existing examples are relatively fewer than other folding screens. As discussed above, the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum and its original drawings at the National Museum of Korea aptly demonstrate the late Joseon painting trend of embracing and employing new painting styles. Further in-depth research into the Rothenbaum painting is required in that it is a rare example exhibiting the influence of Kim Hong-do compared to other paintings on the theme of One Hundred Fans whose composition and painting style are more similar to those found in the work of Bak Gi-jun.

Correlates of Subjective Well-being in Korean Culture (한국문화에서 주관안녕에 영향을 미치는 사회심리 요인들)

  • Hahn, Doug-Woong
    • Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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    • v.12 no.5_spc
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    • pp.45-79
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    • 2006
  • The purpose of this paper was to review the results of the subjective well-being(swb) studies performed by Hahn and coworkers in Korean culture. As the correlates of swb, we dealt with demographic/individual difference variables, intrapersonal variables, interpersonal process variables, and Korean cultural variables. We proposed that the components of swb were consisted of quality of life(cognitive swb) and overall happy feelings about one's own life(emotional swb). It was also assumed that a measure of total swb could be calculated by summated mean of cognitive swb and emotional swb measures. The data of the swb studies were analyzed and interpreted according to the above three measures of swb. The results of a nationwide survey(Hahn, 2004) from age of 19 to 75 years ald(n=2,230) showed significant simple correlation coefficients between the following demographic/individual difference variables and swb: Gender difference in swb was found(total swb r=.08, p<.001; life satisfaction r=.10, p<.001; overall emotional swb r=.05, p<.05). Men were happier than women in terms of all three measures of swb. It was also found that women appeared to experience greater positive and negative emotions. Correlation between age and emotional swb(r=.09, p<.001) was significant, but life satisfaction was not significant(r=.04, n.s). Correlations between economic status and swb were also significant(total swb r =.23, p<.001; life satisfaction r=.15 p<.001; overall emotional swb r=.15, p<.001l). Although existence of father was negatively related to emotional swb(r=-.05, p<.05), the existence of mother was not related to any of swb measures. Similarly existence of brothers was related positively to overall emotional swb, but existence of sisters was not. Though existence of son was not related to swb, daughter contributed negatively to swb(total swb -.12, p<.01; life satisfaction -.09, p<.05; emotional swb r=-.12, p<.01). We assumed that family member-in-Iaw also contributed to swb because the extended dose social networks were important in Korean culture. The results showed that the following family member-in-law variables were related to swb: Parents-in-law(total swb r=.11, p<.01; life satisfaction r=.10, p<.01; emotional swb r=.10, p<.01), father-in-law(total swb r=.11, p<.01; life satisfaction r=.11, p<.01; emotional swb r=.06, n.s). The result suggested that especially father-in-law contributed to swb through financial and social support. Correlations between emotional experiences in everyday life and swb were also presented. The range of correlation coefficients between the positive emotion measures and swb were r=.30~.48(p<.001) when the above two measures obtained at same time. But the range decreased to r=.19~32(p<.001) when the swb measure was obtained 9 month later longitudinally. Intercorrelations between positive emotional experience; and life satisfaction were r=.37~58(p<.001) when two measures were obtained at same time. We also examined the effects of the intrapersonal cognitive responses to the most stressful life event upon swb. The results of nationwide survey(n=1,021) showed that self-disclosure(total swb r=.09, p<.010; life satisfaction r=.10, p<.01; emotional swb r=.07, p<.01), rumination(total swb r=-.17, p<.001), thought avoidance(total swb r=.12, p<.001; life satisfaction r=-.08; emotional swb r=-.12, p<.001) and suppression(total swb r=-.13, p<.001; life satisfaction r=-.08, p<.05: emotional swb r=-.13, p<.001) contributed to swb. It was also suggested that mismatch between self-guide and regulatory focus contributed negatively to emotional swb. It was also found that social comparison motives and fulfillment of the motives contributed to swb. The results of a survey research(n=363 college students) revealed that the higher the general social comparison motive, the lower the swb(total swb r=-.15, P<.01: life satisfaction r=-.17. p<.01; emotional swb r=-.10, p<.05). It was also found that satisfaction level of self-evalution motive contributed positively to swb(total swb r=-.14. p<.01: life satisfaction r=-.12, p<.05; emotional swb r=.15, p<.001). Both of self-improvement motive(r=.13, p<.05) and satisfaction level of self-improvement motive(r=.12, p<.05) contributed positively to emotional swb, respectively. The above results suggested that swb was depended upon the interaction effect of social comparison motive; and level of fulfillment of the motives. We also reported the significant multiple predictors of swb in a sample of age from 60years to 89years olds. The results of multiple regression analysis showed that the significant multiple predictors of swb were past illness(β=.174, p<.001), economic status(β=.418, p<.001), marital satisfaction(β=.0841, p<.001), satisfaction of offsprins(β=.065, p<.01), expectation level of social support from offsprings(β=-.049, p<.001), and negative emotions(β=-.454. p<.001) among 16 social psychological factors. It was also found that swb was an important multiple predictors of physical health. This finding was replicated in a longitudinal study. Both of positive and negative emotional experiences were significant multiple predictors of physical health one year later. The results of the discriminant analysis showed both of total swb and positive emotional experiences contributed to discriminate the happy and healthy olds from unhappy and unhealthy olds. We paper also examined the effects of the nonnative social behaviors upon swb in Korean culture. The main hypotheses of the study(Hahn, 2006, in press) was that the important nonnative behaviors would influence on swb through both of the mediation processes of adjustment to social relationships and psychological stress. The survey data were collected from 2,129 adults age of 19 to 75, from 7 regional areas in Korea. The results of the study revealed that almost all of correlation coefficients between 15 normative social behaviors and the above three criteria w-ere significant. The fitness test results of the covariance structural equation model showed that all of the fitness indices were satisfactory (GFI=.974, AGFI=.909, NNFI=.922, NFI=.973, CFI=.974. RMR=.049, RMSEA=.073). The results of the analysis revealed that the following five path coeffi6ents from behaviors to social adjustment were significant; behavior tor family and family members(t=5.87, p<.001), courteous behavior(t=4.39, p<.001), faithful behavior (t=2.15. p<.05). collectivistic behavior(t=8.31, p<.001). Seven path coefficients from the normative behaviors to psychological stress were significant; behavior for family and family members (t=-4.63, p<.001), faithful behavior(t=-3.86, p<.001). suppression of emotional expression(t=3.99, p<.001), trustworthy and dependable behavior(t=-2.21, p<.05), collectivistic behavior(t=3.72, p<.001), effortful and diligent behavior(t=2.94, p<.001), husbandry and saving behavior(t=3.40, p<.001). The above results suggested that four normative behaviors among seven behaviors contributed negatively to psychological stress in current Korean society. The results abo confirmed the hypothesized paths from social adjustment (t=10.40, p<.001) to swb and from psychological stress(t=-19.74, p<.001) to swb. The important results of the study were discussed in terms of the Confucian traditions and recent social changes in Korean culture. Finally limitations of this review paper were discussed and the suggestions for the future study were also proposed.

A student on the Nursing Needs and Satisfaction of Primipara During the Early Postpartum Period (산욕기 초산모의 간호요구와 만족도에 관한 연구)

  • Chun, Young-Ja
    • Women's Health Nursing
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.5-27
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    • 1997
  • This study was carried out to identify the difference between nursing needs and levels of satisfaction of primiparae during the early postpartum period. The goal of the study was to obtain data needed to develope maternal education programs and to improve the nursing quality for primipara. The subjects were 111 primiparae who had normal delivery at 2 general hospitals in the Seoul area. The data was gathered using an 81 items questionnaire which was developed by the researcher from Nov. 30, 1995 to Feb. 5, 1996. Results found are as follows : 1. The characteristics of subjects : The majority of subjects were aged 26-30yrs(60.4%), high school graduated(49.5%), jobless(52.3%), had no religion(49.5%), no antenatal(74.5%), and postnatal education on self and infant care(55.9%). A large proportion of primiparae intended to feed breast milk(49.5%) but in fact only 7.2% fed breast milk while in the hospital. Many subjects perceived that they had reasonable self confidence about self care(46.8%), and infant care(36%). 2. The level of nursing needs of overall nursing care was relatively high(Mn 3.98) but the level of satisfaction was of average level(Mn 3.09). Therefore, difference between the level of nursing needs and satisfaction was significant(p=0.0001). 3. The nursing needs by category of nursing care the highest need was on the education of infant care(4.29), the lowest was on physical care(3.80). The level of satisfaction was higher on environmental care(3.40) and physical care(3.32). But the category that showed the lowest satisfaction was education of infant care(2.67). Hence, difference of categories between the level of nursing needs and satisfaction was significant(p=0.0001). 4. Among items of physical care, observation of primiparas' conditions(4.21), accurate medication and treatment(4.18), care of breast engorgement(4.07) and control of postpartal hemorrage(4.01) showed high nursing needs. On the other hand, only the level of satisfaction was higher on accurate medication and treatment(3.82). The rest of items revealed only average level of satisfactions. Difference of items between the level of nursing needs and satisfaction was significant(p=0.0001) except items of dietary care. 5. Among items of psychological care, 8 items of nursing needs were high(3.72-4.29), expecially detailed explanation on which mothers want to know(4.29), treatment and nursing care they receive(4.23), kind and faithful care(4.22), early contacts with their baby(4.20), and adequate draping during the care and treatment(4.18). Among items of psychological care higher satisfactions were shown on items of kind and faithful care(3.80), personal treatment(3.70), and detailed explanation to mothers, but the least satisfied items was early contact with baby(2.13). Difference between the level of nursing needs and satisfaction was significant(p=0.0001). 6. Among items of environmental care, the highest level of need and satisfaction was on the items of neat bedding and pajamas(3.54). The difference was significant (p=0.0001). 7. Among the items of educational needs on self care, all of 22 items revealed higher educational needs(3.50-4.33) but the levels of satisfaction varied with a range of 2.63-3.42. Among the items the satisfactions were high on items of breast care including massages(3.42), perineal care(3.36) and expression of breast milk(3.32). Less satisfied items were drugs not be taken by breast milk feeder(2.63), maintenance of breast figure(2.76) and postpartum exercise(2.80) and so on. The difference was significant(p=0.0001). maintain 8. Among the items of educational needs on infant care, 19 items revealed higher educational needs(3.28-4.54). And the highest need were on the 3 items of normal growth and development of infant, safety and emergency care, symptoms of sick(4.45) and the meaning of crying of the baby(4.52). The level of satisfaction among items of education of infant care ranged from 2.47 to 3.16. Most satisfied items were buriping(3.16), bathing(3.11) and diapering(3.09). The items of which the mother's needs were high revealed the lowest satisfaction level. The difference was significant (p=0.0001). 9. Relationship between nursing needs and levels of satisfaction among primiparae of different characteristics were as follows : 1) Nursing needs of physical and psychological areas were significantly different among different age levels but no relationship was found on other categories regardless of the level of satisfaction. 2) With regard to different levels of education, some relationship was found in nursing needs of psychological area(p=0.007), educational needs on infant care(p=0.04) and environmental care(p=0.01). Also, the difference of satisfaction level was significant. 3) Working mothers had higher nursing needs and were more satisfied on items of physical care(p=0.05), education on self care and infant care. Difference were significant between nursing needs and level of satisfaction. 4) With regards to different religion a moderate relation was found between nursing needs of environmental care infant care education but no relationship was found on levels of satisfaction. 5) With regards to antenatal education, the mothers who have had no antenatal education revealed higher nursing needs on physical care but those who had antenatal education were more satisfied with education on self care and infant care. The difference was significant. (p=0.0001). 6) With regards to postpartum education, the mothers who have had some sort of postpartum education revealed higher nursing needs on physical and self care. And they were more satisfied with nursing of every category except infant care than mothers who had not any postpartum education. Differences was significant between the nursing needs and levels of satisfaction.(p=0.0001). 7) With regards to breast feeding experience during the hospitalization, those who had no experience of breast feeding revealed higher nursing needs on physical care in contrast to breast feeders, who had higher educational needs on infant care. And breast feeder were more satisfied with all categories. Differences was significant(p=0.0001). 8) With regards to perception of self confidence on self care and infant care, no relationship was found on nursing needs and level of satisfaction in every category of nursing.

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The Determinants of Health Promoting Behavior in Students on Dept of Dental Hygiene (치위생과 학생의 건강증진행위 결정요인에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Eun-Mi;Lee, Hyang-Nim
    • Journal of dental hygiene science
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    • v.4 no.3
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    • pp.141-148
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    • 2004
  • This study was examed in order to determine influential factors of health promoting behavior on Dental Hygiene students the health promoting behavior. So examed students' health promoting behavior, self-efficacy, perceived benefit, perceived barrier, a health locus of control, self-esteem. A the result of this study were as follows: (1) Performance mean score in health promoting behavior was 2.60, self achievement score was 2.89, health responsibility score was 2.12, exercise score was 1.89, nutrition score was 2.45, interpersonal support score was 2.97, stress management score was 2.63. Performance mean score in self-efficacy was 2.56, perceived benefit was 3.45, perceived barrier was 2.32, a health locus of control score was 3.04, self-esteem score was 2.81. (2) Performance in health promoting behavior was significant differences in year, religion, economical level, experience of disease on family, perceived health status(p<0.05), perceived oral health status(p<0.001). Performance in self achievement was significant differences in year, economical level, perceived health status(p<0.05), religion, perceived oral health status(p<0.01). Performance in health responsibility was significant differences in year, religion, economical level, BMI(p<0.05) and experience of disease on myself, perceived oral health status(p<0.001). Performance in excercise was significant differences in mother's educational level, experience of disease on family, perceived oral health status(p<0.05) and nutrient was economical level, perceived oral health status(p<0.01), perceived health status(p<0.05). Performance in interpersonal relations was only significant differences perceived oral health status(p<0.05) and in stress management was year, perceived oral health status(p<0.05). (3) Performance in self-efficacy was significant differences in economical level, health status(P<0.05) and perceived health status, perceived oral health status(p<0.01). Performance in perceived benefit was significant differences in religion(p<0.05). Performance in perceived barrier was significant differences economical level, perceived oral health status(p<0.05), experience of disease on myself(p<0.01). Performance in a health locus of control was significant differences year(p<0.05), performance in a perceived oral health status(p<0.01). (4) Performance in health promoting behavior was significantly correlated with self-efficacy(r=0.376), perceived benefit(r=0.188), perceived barrier(r=-0.155), a health locus of control (r=0.064), self-esteem(r=0.318). (5) Self-efficacy was the highest factor predicting health promoting behavior.

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SANET-CC : Zone IP Allocation Protocol for Offshore Networks (SANET-CC : 해상 네트워크를 위한 구역 IP 할당 프로토콜)

  • Bae, Kyoung Yul;Cho, Moon Ki
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.26 no.4
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    • pp.87-109
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    • 2020
  • Currently, thanks to the major stride made in developing wired and wireless communication technology, a variety of IT services are available on land. This trend is leading to an increasing demand for IT services to vessels on the water as well. And it is expected that the request for various IT services such as two-way digital data transmission, Web, APP, etc. is on the rise to the extent that they are available on land. However, while a high-speed information communication network is easily accessible on land because it is based upon a fixed infrastructure like an AP and a base station, it is not the case on the water. As a result, a radio communication network-based voice communication service is usually used at sea. To solve this problem, an additional frequency for digital data exchange was allocated, and a ship ad-hoc network (SANET) was proposed that can be utilized by using this frequency. Instead of satellite communication that costs a lot in installation and usage, SANET was developed to provide various IT services to ships based on IP in the sea. Connectivity between land base stations and ships is important in the SANET. To have this connection, a ship must be a member of the network with its IP address assigned. This paper proposes a SANET-CC protocol that allows ships to be assigned their own IP address. SANET-CC propagates several non-overlapping IP addresses through the entire network from land base stations to ships in the form of the tree. Ships allocate their own IP addresses through the exchange of simple requests and response messages with land base stations or M-ships that can allocate IP addresses. Therefore, SANET-CC can eliminate the IP collision prevention (Duplicate Address Detection) process and the process of network separation or integration caused by the movement of the ship. Various simulations were performed to verify the applicability of this protocol to SANET. The outcome of such simulations shows us the following. First, using SANET-CC, about 91% of the ships in the network were able to receive IP addresses under any circumstances. It is 6% higher than the existing studies. And it suggests that if variables are adjusted to each port's environment, it may show further improved results. Second, this work shows us that it takes all vessels an average of 10 seconds to receive IP addresses regardless of conditions. It represents a 50% decrease in time compared to the average of 20 seconds in the previous study. Also Besides, taking it into account that when existing studies were on 50 to 200 vessels, this study on 100 to 400 vessels, the efficiency can be much higher. Third, existing studies have not been able to derive optimal values according to variables. This is because it does not have a consistent pattern depending on the variable. This means that optimal variables values cannot be set for each port under diverse environments. This paper, however, shows us that the result values from the variables exhibit a consistent pattern. This is significant in that it can be applied to each port by adjusting the variable values. It was also confirmed that regardless of the number of ships, the IP allocation ratio was the most efficient at about 96 percent if the waiting time after the IP request was 75ms, and that the tree structure could maintain a stable network configuration when the number of IPs was over 30000. Fourth, this study can be used to design a network for supporting intelligent maritime control systems and services offshore, instead of satellite communication. And if LTE-M is set up, it is possible to use it for various intelligent services.

A Study on the Landscape Characteristics and Implications of the Royal Garden through 「The 36 Scenery of Seongdeok Summer Mountain Resort」 by Kangxi Emperor (강희제(康熙帝)의 「승덕 피서산장(避暑山莊) 36경」에 담긴 황가원림의 경관 특성과 함의)

  • RHO Jaehyun;MENG Zijun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.212-240
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    • 2022
  • This study is a multi-layered exploration of 「The Thirty-Six Scenery of Seongdeok Summer Mountain Resort(承德避暑山莊三十六景)」 (The 36th view of Kangxi) recited by Emperor Kangxi of China through literature study, ancient calligraphy diagrams, and field studies. The conclusion of tracing the landscape characteristics and implications contained in 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 through the analysis of the headword(標題語) and the interpretation of the Jeyeong poem(題詠詩) is as follows. 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 is an extension of the outer edge of the Eight Sceneries, and when compared to the existing Eight Sceneries peom and Eight Sceneries painting, it is found that the landscape is centered on the 'viewpoint' rather than the landscape object. In particular, it aimed to create a structured landscape centered on nine types of buildings represented by 'Jeon(殿)' and 'Jeong(亭)' was given. In particular, Yeouiju, located in Lake district, is a scenic country endowed with the character of a gardens in Garden, which is composed by collecting famous representative Chinese landscapes and landscapes of Sansu-si and Sanshu Painting. As a result of headword analysis to understand the characteristics of landscape components, 14 landscapes (38.9%) related to water elements and 13 landscapes(36.1%) related to mountain elements, the elements related to architecture and civil engineering were classified in the order of 3 cases(8.3%), and the elements related to the skylight were classified in the order of 2 cases(5.6%). However, in Jeyeong-si, the mention of landscape vocabulary for climate elements was overwhelming. In other words, in the poems of 「The 36th Scenery of Kangxi」, scenery vocabulary symbolizing 'coolness' such as 雲(cloud), 水(water), 泉(spring), 清(clear), 波(wave), 流(wave), 風(wind) and 無暑(without heat), etc. It is not a coincidence that it appears, and it is strongly attached to the sense of place of Summer Mountain Resort in Rehe(熱河). Among the 23 landscapes whose seasonal background was confirmed, the fact that the lower landscape is portrayed as the majority and the climate elements of the resort area are portrayed in three-dimensional and multi-dimensional ways are closely related to the period of enjoying the gardens of Kangxi, the main subject of the landscape. In addition, many animal and plant landscapes appearing in Jeyeong-si appear to be in the same context as the spatial attributes of not only recreation, but also contemplation and hunting. On the other hand, in Jeyeongsi, there are 33 wonders(91.7%) citing famous people and famous books through ancient poems, old stories, and ancient stories tends to be prominent. It is inferred that this was based on Kangxi's understanding and pride in traditional Chinese culture. In 「The 36th view of Kangxi」, not only a book-writing description of the feelings of being entrusted to the family sutras, but also the spirit of patriotism, love, self-discipline and respect for mother and filial piety are strongly implied. Ultimately, 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 shows the real scene of the resort, as well as the spiritual dimension, in a multi-faceted and three-dimensional way, and the spirit of an emperor based on the dignity of the royal family and the sentiments of a writer it deserves to be called a collection of imperial records that were intended to reveal.

A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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