• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.170-202
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• 1998

Lee Shi Zhen(李時珍) raised a question in argument on the writer of Bao Ming Shi(保命集), which had been believed to be written by Liu Wan Su(劉完素), arguing that Bao Ming Shi(保命集), also called Huo Fa Ji Yao(活法機要), was written by Zhang Yuan Su(張完素). There were three representative arguments on the writer of Bao Ming Shi(保命集). One suggested that it was written by Zhang Yuan Su(張完素) while the other argued that it was definitely written by Liu Wan Su(劉完素). And another suggested thai it was edited by posterity by combinding the works of the former two miters. After this study, it was found that Bao Ming Shi(保命集) has Liu Wan Su(劉完素) and Zhang Yuan Su(張完素)'s unique medical thoughts in many descriptions resulting in controversial dispute. Through these arguments, a new hypothesis has been made that the third person who had studied Liu Wan Su(劉完素) and Zhang Yuan Su(張完素)'s medical thoughts wrote Bao Ming Shi(保命集). Liu Wan Su(劉完素) and Zhang Yuan Su(張完素) were quite different in medial thoughts and their works and they found different school, respectively. Therefore, if Bao Ming Shi(保命集) was written by Liu Wan Su(劉完素) or Zhang Yuan Su(張完素), it is impossiple that Bao Ming Shj(保命集) has the two medical thoughts in many descriptions. So, it is regarded reasonable to argue that the person who had aquainted with the two medical thoughts wrote this book. Then enother question can be raised : why the persion wrote Bao Ming Shi(保命集) which integrated the two medical thoughts and. The answer is as follows. Liu Wan Su(劉完素) and Zhang Yuan Su(張完素) became the rounders of He Jian(河間) school and Yi Shui(易水) school, respectively, which have considerably affected later generations, suggesting advanced medical theory. The medical thoughts suggested by the two were sure advanced compared with the former generation, but subjective and biased enough be critisized. So, it is thought that the third person wrote Bao Ming Shj(保命集) to recover those demerits and to describe more advanced medical theory. Zhongyi Xueshushi(中醫學術史) suggests that posterity edited Bao Ming Shi(保命集) by combinding Liu Wan Su(劉完素) and Zhang Yuan Su(張完素)'s works, which is different flam my suggestment. In above description, it is said that the two medical thoughts were quite different, but Bao Ming Shi(保命集) has well-understood medical thoughts containing the two medical thoughts in chaptor to chaptor, and well coincides from cover to cover, which shows that it is written by one person not edited by posterity. My hypothesis can admit other arguments on the writer of Bao Ming Shi(保命集), recover the bias of those argument and solve the questions raised in other arguments. Therefore, I suggest that the person, who was well aquainted with Liu Wan Su(劉完素) and Zhang Yuan Su(張完素)'s medical thoughts, wrote Bao Ming Shi(保命集) to describe more advanced and complete medical theory by amending the bias and taking the merits of the two medical thoughts.

• 한국도서관정보학회지
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• 제48권1호
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• pp.267-289
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• 2017

이 연구는 조선시대에 간행된 현존하는 한문본 <시경>의 판본의 조사를 통해, 판본 42종을 대상으로 형태적 특징에 따라 계통별로 구분하여 분석하고자 하였다. 연구 결과 밝혀진 사실은 다음과 같다. 조선에서는 명(明)의 영락판(永樂板) "시전대전(詩傳大全)" 을 저본(底本)으로 한 복각(覆刻)본과 활자본 및 활자본의 복각본이 전체의 69%를 차지해 가장 자주 간인(刊印)되었고 널리 유통되었다. 그 중에서 주류를 이루고 있는 명본 복각본은 14종이 있는데, 초기본부터 임진왜란 직후에 간행된 판본들은 영락판과 거의 동일한 형태적 특징을 보여 주는데 후대로 갈수록 복각이 거듭되면서 영락판의 형태와는 거리가 멀어진 판본도 생겨났다. <시경>은 시기별로는 18세기에 가장 빈번하게 간행되었고, 지역별로는 경기지역과 경상지역에서 가장 많이 간행되었는데 경기지역에서는 활자본이, 경상지역에서는 감영본이면서 명본 복각본이 주를 이루었다.

• 복식
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• 제55권2호
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• pp.70-81
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• 2005

This paper researches the system of official uniforms and characteristics of the system based on Ming-Shi(明史), Da-Ming-Hui-Dian(大明會典) and Hong-Wu-Li-Zhi(洪武禮制) in the emperor Hong-wu(洪武帝) of Ming dynasty(明). The system could be divided in to three terms, i.e., the early (initial), the middle and the end (last) terms. In the first(1368) & the third year of the emperor's reign (1370) the system of official uniforms was simple f9r his people not to be luxurious and for revived the system of official uniforms of the Han dynasty(漢) and annulled the system of the Yuan dynasty(元), be-cause the country was not stable yet. During the middle term of Hong-wu, the 14th (1381) to 16th (1383) year of his reign, people attained luxurious lives and developed a strong sense of rank as the country became more stable. As a result, the system became more complicated when the emperor used the costumes to represent political and social ranking. In the end of the emperor's age, the 23rd (1390) to 26th (1393), it reveals his strong intention to establish a system of costumes that separated the ruler from the ruled. He wanted to strengthen the power of Emperor for his little grandson, Jian-wen(建文帝), who would succeed to the throne and would have absolute power. These changes became fundamental to the Ming dynasty's costume system and the Ming dynasty kept them for long time.

• East Asian mathematical journal
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.295-297
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• 1994

• 복식
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• 제63권5호
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• pp.87-101
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• 2013

This paper researches the system of the official's gongbok(公服) during the reign of emperor Hongwu(洪武帝) in the Ming dynasty, and it is based on DaMingLing(大明令), DaMingJili(大明集禮), HongwuLizhi(洪武禮制), ZhusiZhizhang(諸司職掌), DaMingHuidian(大明 會典), MingTaizuShilu(明太祖實錄), and MingShi(明史). Official's gongbok is consisted of clothes, belt(帶), bokdu, scepter(笏), and black shoes. The system of official's gongbok wa schanged through three stages. First, the system of the Yuan dynasty(元代) was maintained in January, 1368, which was the first year of the emperor's reign. Second, the gongbok system was established in November, 1368. The system stated that the clothes had to be red-colored(赤色) regardless of rank and the belt was divided into okdai(玉帶), seodai (犀帶), gumdai(金帶), and kwangsoeundai (光素銀帶). Third, the system was revised in June, 1391, which was the 24th year of his reign. According to the rank, the clothing colors were divided into scarlet(緋色), blue(靑色), and green(綠色). The belt was divided into okdai, seodai, gumdai, and ogaggai(烏角帶). 'Hongmu26nyunjung(洪武26年定)' recorded on the Wanli's edition(萬曆本) of the DaMingHuidian has the meaning of ZhusiZhizhang regulations.

• 대한수학회논문집
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• 제10권4호
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• pp.815-821
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• 1995

We introduce the concept of weakly positive implicative ideals in BCI-algebras and give some characterization of weakly positive implicative BCI-algebras and weakly positive implicative ideals.

• 대한수학회논문집
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.269-273
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• 1995

In this paper, we introduce the notion of $\lambda$-associative BCI-algebras, investigate important properties of such algebras, and discuss the structure of it.

• 혜화의학회지
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.321-329
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• 2004

These days as the average span of man's life increases, the patients of senile dementia also increase. In oriental medicine, the study of dementia developed during the Ming and Qing eras. So I investigated medical books on those eras, as a result, the following conclusion was drawn. 1. ZhangJingYue of the Ming era considered the cause of dementia to be emotional problems, he observed a delirium, abnormal actions, sweating loss and depression in the dementia patients and he prescribed 'BokManJeon', 'ChilBokYem' and 'DaeBoWonJeon'. 2. ChenShiZe of the Ming&Qing era considered the cause of dementia to be a dejection of liver energy, a weakness of stomach energy and phlegm, he described many symptoms and he prescribed 'SeSimTang' and 'ChukBoSunDan'. 3. WangQingRen of the Qing era considered amnesia caused by abnormal brain function, this fact is similar to Western Medicine.

• 한국수학사학회지
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.1-10
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• 2012

중국의 명수법은 기록은 구어체를 사용하고, 계산은 산대를 사용하는 이중 구조를 가지고 있었다. 또 산서는 실생활의 문제만 다루는 과정에서 수학적 구조를 나타내는 방법을 택하여 계산 과정을 제외하면 이들에서 취급한 수는 모두 명수(名數)들이어서 순수한 수론의 발전을 이룰 수 없었다. 송대에 0의 도입과 함께, 천원술의 표현에서 나타나는 계수를 산대로 표시하는 방법을 통하여, 산대가 계산 도구와 함께 추상수의 기수법(記數法)이 되는 과정을 밝힌다. 수량의 단위를 사용한 소수의 표현도 이 과정에서 산대 표현으로 대치되었다. 그러나 명대에 산대 계산이 주산으로 대치되고 천원술이 잊히게 되어 추상수의 개념도 함께 잊히게 되었다. 청대의 산학자 심사계(沈士桂)가 저서 간첩이명산법(簡捷易明算法)에서 분수의 소수표시와 계산을 하는 과정에서 순환소수를 인지하고 이들의 계산법을 확립한 것도 보인다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제18권3호통권30호
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• pp.81-94
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• 2005

There appears 7 chapters about questioning and answering between Lei Gong - Huang Di in which includes many contents that do not appear in other chapters of Su Wen(${\ulcorner}$素問${\lrcorner}$) and Ling Shu(${\ulcorner}$靈樞${\lrcorner}$). Especially terms such as Kui Duo(揆度), Qi Heng(奇恒), Yin Yang(陰陽), Cong Rong(從容). Ci Xiong(雌雄), Wu Zhong(五中), Zhong Shi(終始), Bi Lei(比類), Ming Tang(明堂), Ren shi(人事) do not show what they implicate and are difficult to understand. However, from the context, we assume that they maybe terms related to diagnosis. Although the Yin Yang Mai Fa of Su Wen totally differs from Nan Jing, we will look for the orgin of it through Wu Zhong. Furthermore, we will look into the development of Ren Ying Cun Kou Mai(人迎寸口脈), which does not appear in the contents of questioning and answering between Lei Gong Huang Di. The term Bi Lei that only appears in questioning and answering between Lei Gong - Huang Di will be analyzed along with diagnostic skill and the co-explained term Ren Shi. A lot of Xe Zheng(虛證) provoked by a intrinsic factor, Ren Shi, and suitability of its development to Lei Gong - Huang Di 's Mai Fa will be more closely discussed.