• Journal of the Korea Institute of Military Science and Technology
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• v.17 no.6
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• pp.853-860
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• 2014

This paper introduces a Korean rescue robot and presents a whole body kinematic control strategy. The mission of the rescue robot is to move and lift patients or soldiers with impaired mobility in the battlefields, hospitals and hazardous environments. In order for a robot to rescue and assist humans, reliable mobility in various environments, large load carrying capacity, and dextrous manipulability are required. For these objects the robot has variable configuration mobile platform with tracks, dual arm manipulator, and two types of grippers. The electric actuators provide the strength to lift a wounded soldier up to 120 kg using whole body joints. To control the robot with multi degree of freedom, we need to synthesize complex whole-body behaviors, and to manage multiple task primitives systematically. We are to present a whole body kinematic control methodology, and demonstrate its effectiveness through numerical simulations.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.83-93
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• 2017

The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.221-230
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• 2020

The effects-based operation, which would reduce unnecessary efforts and meaningless sacrifices incurred during a war and simultaneously reach the will of the enemy leadership by strategic attacks, was discarded for the reason that it was difficult to apply it to military power except for airpower. However, cyberspace, which can be thoroughly logical and calculated, can be suitable for conducting effects-based operations. This study examined a way to carry out effects-based operations in such cyberspaces. It laid the foundation for overcoming the limitations of effects-based operations revealed in previous battle cases and executing the operations in cyber battlespace where the boundary between physical and cyberspaces gradually disappeared. Futhermore, it demonstrated that effects-based operations could be carried out in cyberspace by establishing a military strategy, which could conduct the operations through an analysis of previous cyber-attack cases.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.49-69
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• 2019

Over the last couple of years, digital diplomacy has become a fascinating area of research among Mass Communication, Peace and Conflict Studies, and International Affairs scholars. Social media and new technology open up new avenues for governments, individuals, and organizations to engage with foreign audiences. However, developing countries' governments are still lacking in the realization of the potential of social media. This study aims to analyze the usage of social media (Facebook & Twitter) by the two biggest countries in South Asia (Pakistan and India). I selected 10 government officials' social media accounts including prime ministers', national press offices', military public relations offices', public diplomacy divisions', and ministries of foreign offices' profiles. The study relies on quantitative content analysis and a comparative research approach. The total number of analyzed Twitter tweets (n=1,015) and Facebook posts (n=1,005) include 10 accounts, five from each country. In light of Kent and Taylor's (1998) dialogic communication framework, the results indicate that no digital engagement and dialogue occurs between government departments and the public through social networking sites. Government departments do not engage with local or foreign audiences through digital media. When comparing both countries, results reveal that India has more institutionalized and organized digital diplomacy. In terms of departmental use of social media, the digital diplomacy division and foreign office of India is more active than other government departments in that nation. Meanwhile, Pakistan's military public relations office and press office is more active than its other government departments. In conclusion, both countries realize the potential of social media in digital diplomacy, but still lack engagement with foreign audiences.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2022

The Russia-Ukraine War was a "three-layer compounded war" between the US and Russia, Russia and Ukraine, and Ukrainian government forces and rebels. First, the war is a phenomenon that occurred when the western sphere of influence seeking to maintain and strengthen the liberal international order and the Sino-Russian sphere of influence seeking a new alternative order collided in Ukraine, a geopolitical fault zone. Second, this war is the result of a typical 'security dilemma' phenomenon caused by the 'chain reaction' game of NATO's continuous expansion and Russia's response. Third, the Russia-Ukraine war was caused by the Russian military projection to prevent the military restoration of Donbas region by Ukraine. Until now, the Western world, led by the US, showed unexpected solidarity after the war despite subtle differences in positions. However, the non-Western world, including China, is not participating in the condemnation and sanctions against Russia. This war will be an important turning point in the existence and change of the current international order that has been formed and is operating since the end of the Cold War. The direction of maintenance/restoration, revision/change, and end/transformation of the current international order is highly likely to be determined depending on the development pattern and method of ending the war.

• Clinical and Experimental Vaccine Research
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.337-345
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• 2023

Purpose: The global fight against the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) pandemic has led to widespread vaccination efforts, yet the optimal dosing schedule for SARS-CoV-2 vaccines remains a subject of ongoing research. This study aims to investigate the effectiveness of administering two booster doses as the third and fourth doses at different intervals to enhance vaccine protection. Materials and Methods: This study was conducted at a military regional hospital operated by the Ministry of National Defense in Taiwan. A cohort of vaccinated individuals was selected, and their vaccine potency was assessed at various time intervals following their initial vaccine administration. The study participants received booster doses as the third and fourth doses, with differing time intervals between them. The study monitored neutralizing antibody titers and other relevant parameters to assess vaccine efficacy. Results: Our findings revealed that the potency of the SARS-CoV-2 vaccine exhibited a significant decline 80 days after the initial vaccine administration. However, a longer interval of 175 days between booster injections resulted in significantly higher neutralizing antibody titers. The individuals who received the extended interval boosters exhibited a more robust immune response, suggesting that a vaccine schedule with a 175-day interval between injections may provide superior protection against SARS-CoV-2. Conclusion: This study underscores the importance of optimizing vaccine booster dosing schedules to maximize protection against SARS-CoV-2. The results indicate that a longer interval of 175 days between the third and fourth doses of the vaccine can significantly enhance the neutralizing antibody response, potentially offering improved protection against the virus. These findings have important implications for vaccine distribution and administration strategies in the ongoing battle against the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. Further research and largescale trials are needed to confirm and extend these findings for broader public health implications.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Military Science and Technology
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.222-229
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• 2024

As the operating condition for the penetrating missile has been more advanced, the survivability of main charge has been strongly required when the warhead impacts the target. Lots of efforts to desensitize explosives such as the development of insensitive molecular explosives or optimizing plastic-bonded explosives(PBX) systems has been made to enhance the survivability of main charge. However, these efforts face their limits as the weapon system require higher performance. Herein, we suggest a new strategy to secure the survivability of main charge. We applied structurally supportable aluminum honeycomb(HC) structure to cast PBX. The aluminum HC structure reinforces the mechanical strength of cast PBX and helps it to withstand external pressure without the reaction like detonation. In this study, impact resistance character, shock sensitivity and internal blast performance of PBXs reinforced with HC structure were investigated according to the application of aluminum HC structure. The newly suggested aluminum HC structure applied to cast PBX was proved to be a promising manufacturing method available for high-tech weapon systems.

• Maritime Security
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.73-102
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• 2024

The recent rise of China has the potential to intensify competition for hegemony between the U.S. and China. China is strengthening its influence in the region through maritime military actions represented by Anti-Access/Area Denial(A2/AD). The U.S. is establishing a new concept of operation to respond to China's A2/AD and achieve superiority in the U.S - China competition. In particular, this study focused on the U.S. Marine Corps' contribution to naval operations as a means of sea denial through Expeditionary Advanced Base Operation(EABO), which mainly centered on islands, and changes to strengthen its influence in the sea. By applying these changes in the U.S. Marine Corps to the ROK Marine Corps, the future direction of the ROK Marine Corps' offensive island area operations that can contribute to joint and naval operations was suggested. This study is meaningful in that it presents the ROK Marine Corps' offensive island area operations using the strategic value of the island from the perspective of sea denial. However, by presenting the direction of operational performance and military power construction / development conceptually, specific discussions of this aspect are needed in the future. I hope that this study will be the starting point.

• Korea and World Politics
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.129-158
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• 2017

The names of North Korean nuclear and missile dedicated operations units have changed to artillery corps, missile guidance agency, strategic rocket forces, and strategic forces. The North Korean strategic forces is an independent military that has the status of the 4th army, which is distinguished from conventional forces. Unlike other units under the command of the chief of general staff, the strategic forces receives direct orders from the supreme commander. The strategic forces plays an important role in economic and nuclear armed constructions. However, since it is in the early stage of building nuclear forces, it does not play a role properly. The strategic forces is expected to give flexibility and diversity to North Korean conventional forces-based military strategy. If the strategic forces is not involved in the operation of the SLBMs, conflicts may arise over the right to operate nuclear and missile in North Korea.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.69-92
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• 2018

North Korea conducted a total of six nuclear tests from the 1st test of 2006 to September, 2017. North Korea developed an armed forces security strategy at the level of regime protection and defense to respond to U.S. hostile policy. However, it is certain that strategic goals of North Korea's nuclear test were to overcome a crisis in North Korea's regime through US-North Korea negotiation and complete nuclear armed forces for socialist unification on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's continuous nuclear test is a direct factor in threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and an indirect factor in security dynamics of Northeast Asia. The U.N. Security Council has enforced sanctions against North Korea through six resolutions against North Korea's reckless nuclear test for the past 10 years. However, Kim Jong-Un's regime is in a position to stick to simultaneous pursuit of nuclear and economic development in spite of anti-North sanction of international society including U.N. and U.S.A. It is understood that North Korea was stimulated to conduct intense nuclear test as U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction was not effective on North Korea. Full-scale and local wars are expected as military options, one of anti-North sanctions of the Trump administration. The Trump administration has attempted diplomatic pressure strategy as a secondary boycott unlike previous administrations. Nevertheless, North Korea has stood against U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction with brinkmanship tactics, announcing full-scale military confrontation against U.S. It is judged that North Korea will pursue simultaneous nuclear weapons and economic development in terms of regime survival. North Korea will have less strategic choices in that its regime may collapse because of realistic national strategy between U.S.A. and China.