• 한국산업융합학회 논문집
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.201-208
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• 2008

This thesis is the result of the study about 'How we should develop the human resources program to gain human strength in the strategic environment of the future?' Once again, regional stability is interdependent with economic stability, political stability, and military stability of all the factors in the region. History shows that if a militarily capable regime lacks economic resources, then there is political pressure on the regime to use their military to acquire needed resources. The purpose of this study is to find the way that how to gain excellent human resources now and in the future. Military man power should be strong whenever. The Ministry of National Defense has "Reform Military Structure Plan". The focus of this Plan is Korean military strategy in the situation of the confrontation between South and North Korea and in the situation of the international relationship and the way of constructing the military strength for the future. To study these subjects, I reviewed the theories of "Acquisition Program of Human Strength" were developed and assessed the future strategic environment of the Korean Peninsula. From these studies, I suggest that The Ministry of National Defense should pursue preparing for the future military strategy and military structure. we should be skillful in supplementing the Human Strength. We should study about Military Revolution Plan and Human Strength structure for the future.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권5호
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• pp.173-202
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• 2007

After successful nuclear tests Pakistan launched a more severe surprise attack toward India than before. It is highly possible that North Korea will adopt this Pakistan military strategy if it is armed with nuclear weapons. The North Korean forces armed, with nuclear bombs could make double its war capability through strengthening aggressive force structure and come into effect on blocking reinforcement of the US forces at the initial phase of war time. Therefore we may regard that Pyongyang's nuclear arming is a major one of various factors which increase possibility of waging a conventional warfare or a nuclear war. North Korea's high self-confidence after nuclear arming will heighten tension on the Korean Peninsula via aggressive military threat or terror toward South Korea, and endeavor to accomplish its political purpose via low-intensity conflicts. For instance, nuclear arming of the Pyongyang regime enforces the North Korean forces to invade the Northern Limit Line(NLL), provoke naval battles at the West Sea, and occupy one or two among the Five Islands at the West Sea. In that case, the South Korean forces will be faced with a serious dilemma. In order to recapture the islands, Seoul should be ready for escalating a war. However it is hard to imagine that South Korea fights with North Korea armed with nuclear weapons. This paper concludes that the Pyongyang regime after nuclear arming strongly tends to occupy superiority of military strategy and wage military provocations on the Korean Peninsula.

• 한국사회정책
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.181-215
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• 2017

본 연구는 미군정시기 분배체계에 대한 연구를 통해 현대 한국복지체제의 기원이 미군정시기의 정치와 경제질서와 매우 밀접하게 연관되어 있다는 점을 밝혔다. 1960년대 계급의 이해로부터 자유로운 개발국가의 탄생은 1945년부터 1948년까지의 미군정기를 사상하고는 상상할 수 없다. 미군정은 노동운동과 농민운동을 물리력으로 해체시키고, 좌파 정치세력에게 괴멸적 타격을 가했다. 이러한 과정을 통해 미군정은 1945년 8월 해방 당시 좌파가 지배적인 한국의 정치지형을 우파가 지배적인 정치지형으로 완전히 전환시켰다. 더욱이 조선 민중 대다수가 바라던 사회(민주)주의 대신 미국식 자본주의를 이식시키는데도 미군정의 물리력이 없었다면 불가능했을 것이다. 농지개혁을 통해 전통적 지주계급을 몰락시키고, 혁명적 농민들을 보수적인 농민으로 전환하고, 일본인이 소유했던 공장들의 배분을 통해 국가에 종속되는 새로운 자본가 계급을 탄생시켰다. 복지체제의 관점에서 미군정 시기의 가장 큰 의미는 미군정이 1960년대 계급의 이해로부터 자유로운 개발국가, 즉 노동력의 상품화에 기초한 한 복지체제가 만들어질 수 있는 토대를 만든 것이다.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제13권5호
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• pp.3-10
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• 2013

김정일시대 군사협상 분석 모델인 '항일유격대식 협상모델'을 활용하여 최근에 실시된 개성공단 실무회담 분석을 통하여 김정은시대에 개최될 군사협상의 지속과 변화를 제시하고자 한다. 특히, 개성공단 실무회담 분석을 통하여 김정은 시대의 경제분야 협상에서도 군사회담과 유사한 협상행태가 진행되고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 이와 같은 분석을 통하여 유추할 수 있는 사항은 김정은시대 군사협상에서도 김정일시대의 군사협상 범주에서 협상이 진행될 것이라는 사실이다. 근본적으로 북한은 변화의 길을 걷겠지만 현 시점에서는 기존의 전략문화를 변경하기 보다는 그 틀 속에서 군사협상 목적을 달성하려 할 것이다. 이러한 현상은 당분간 지속될 것이다. 향후 북한은 경제난 극복을 위하여 군사협상에 변화를 꾀할 것이다. 따라서 우리 정부의 군사협상에 대한 인식의 대전환이 있어야 할 것이다. 우리정부는. 대화와 협상을 유도하기 위해서 지속적으로 노력하여야 한다. 북한의 변화를 유도하기 위해서는 군사 협상에 적용할 수 있는 통일 전선논리를 활용한 경제 분야 협상 의제를 개발하여야 한다. 이를 이용하여 북한의 군사협상 정책결정자들에게 논리체계를 형성하여 준다면 새로운 군사협상의 틀을 만들 수 있을 것이다. 북한은 변화를 통한 경제적 교류협력을 보장하는 길이 생존하고 발전하는 길임을 인식하여야 한다.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제16권3_1호
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• pp.107-114
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• 2016

북한은 그동안 핵을 고도화하고 미사일의 발사 거리를 늘려왔다. 북한이 대화를 통해 핵을 포기할 가능성은 이미 사라진 것으로 보인다. 김정은은 중국 특사가 미사일 발사를 말리기 위해 평양을 방문했는데도 비웃듯이 로켓을 쏘아 올렸다. 상황이 이런데도 대화로 문제를 해결할 수 있을 것인가. 한반도 비핵화의 유일한 길은 실효적인 대북제재를 통해 북한이 스스로 핵을 포기하도록 하는 것이다. 이를 위해 중국은 어떤 형태로든 역할을 해야 한다. 한국 내에서는 북한의 핵 미사일 위협에 대한 자위 차원에서 고고도미사일방어체계(사드)의 도입은 물론 핵무장 여론이 높아지고 있다. 이런 흐름은 중국의 전략적 이익에 부합하지 않을 것이다. 본 논문은 북한이 앞으로 어떤 행보를 해 나갈 것인가를 예측하기 위해서는 북한의 '군사정책'이 될 것이라는 가정 하에 김정은 체제의 군사정책 특징을 분석하고 전망하여 의미 있는 시사점을 찾고자 하는데 목적이 있다.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.115-162
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• 2022

2021년 8차 당대회에서 개정된 조선노동당 규약은 김정은 정권의 북한의 사회주의·공산주의에 대한 이데올로기 규정변화, 새로운 전략적 노선 및 최근 정세변화를 반영하는 한편, 중앙과 지방을 포괄하는 당 조직체계 상 주요 변화를 포괄한다. 본 연구는 9차례 개정된 조선노동당 규약 전체를 대상으로, 2021년 1월 개정 당규약이 명시한 '당중앙의 유일적 영도체계'의 조직적 변화를 분석함으로써 김정은 정권의 권력구조, 즉 수령제 및 당·정·군관계를 평가한다. 2010년 3차 당대표자회 후계구도를 거쳐 2012년 4차 당대표자회 이후 공식출범한 김정은 정권은 2022년 4월 집권 10년을 앞두고 당 수반이자 국가 수반인 김정은을 중심으로 한 유일영도체계를 제도화하고 새로운 당·정·군 조직 재편을 통해 일원적 지도·집행체계를 확립했다. '당중앙의 유일적 영도체계'는 당 수반-총비서의 당중앙위원회 기구를 통한 '조직영도'의 체계로 구축되며 김정은 시대 당-국가체제의 제도화와 일원화를 동시에 보여준다. 이러한 조직적 개편은 2020년 코로나19 팬데믹 이후 '삼중고'를 겪고 있는 김정은 시대 북한의 위기관리체제 확립의 특성을 보이며 향후 김정은 정권의 통치구조를 이해, 전망하는 데 중요한 함의를 가진다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권40호
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• pp.162-189
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• 2016

This research deals with the PLAN's capabilities and its implication for regional security, and suggests some measures for maritime security cooperation among regional states. China has began to focus its national strategy more on 'rising as a new maritime power' since the 18th Party Convention in November 2012. Chinese new strategy aims at building a strong navy, contributing economic prosperity and national security, and thus elevating its prestige in international society. Most of all, building a strong navy is the foremost task at this time, and that is why the PLAN has the priority for military modernization. Chinese new maritime strategy could cause naval arms race in East Asia and aggravate maritime territorial disputes among concerned parties. It is the time for regional states to discuss some measures to build confidence, such as arms control of naval weapons, establishment of multilateral maritime security mechanism, and foundation of regional security regime, thus enhancing regional maritime cooperation.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• 제28권3호
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• pp.273-285
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• 2006

As the political arguments on international power concept has gradually been deepened, the role of international regimes, defined as principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which nation-actors' expectations converge in a given issue-area, has also been reinforced. There are many ways of understanding about international regimes. In terms of realistic theories, international regimes are one of methods of maintaining hegemonic power order of hegemonic nation and in terms of liberalistic theories, international regimes are understood as the products of mutual inter-dependence of nations in changing international society. As a matter of fact, if we take structural causes and regime consequences into severe consideration, we can find not a few characteristics of international regimes, such as security regime, world trade and fiance regime, ocean regime, environmental regime, human right regime, etc. This paper will examine the changing concept of power after World War II in three categories of hard power (military power), meta power (regime creating power), and soft power (advanced in cultural, diplomatical, and technological power). This paper will provide the evidence of why the changing power concepts will be strongly related with the emergence of international regimes. The UN convention on the law of the sea will chosen as a standard case of the ocean regime and it's regime structure and role will also be analysed in both realistic :md liberalistic theories. Futhermore, the nations' interests involved in the UN convention on the law of the sea will be analytically classified and finally a future prospectus of the UN convention on the law of the sea as an ocean regime will be tested.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권8호
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• pp.169-238
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• 2010

The year 2010 is the 60th anniversary commemorating the Korean War. China intervened in the Korean War with the logics such as "To Resist the U.S.'s Aggression and Aid North Korea," "Save Endangered Home & defend Nation," and "If the Lips Are Gone, the Teeth Will Be Exposed to the Cold or If One of Them Falls, the Other is in Danger." However, China had a deep and long connection with North Korea through 1st Chinese Civil War, war against Japan imperialism, and 2nd Chinese Civil War. China has consulted with Kim Il-sung on his invasion of South Korea at the initial stage of development and played a casting vote role in the execution of the invasion plan. During the Korean War, the PLA supported the North Korea's regime by its action, and made the Korea Peninsula divide into two semi-permanently. Even after the war, China continues to maintain relations with North Korea by helping North Korea build the Kim Il-sung's Kingdom. Currently, whenever any issue related to North Korea rises in the international society, China definitely gets involved in those issues and exercises its power. Conditionally 'either armed aggression or, and wartime' in North Korea, China would follow the "Clause of Military Auto Intervention." In addition, China is very likely to establish refugee camps for North Koreans in the Northeastern-Three-Province and to provide rear bases or guerrilla camps for pro-Chinese sects. Furthermore, voluntarily playing a role as spokesman of North Korean Regime in the international society, China will exercise enormous influence on the reunification of the Korean Peninsula.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.