• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.68
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• pp.130-165
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• 2014

By exploring the works of popular culture, our research aims to demonstrate that culture and politics revolve around each other. Culture and politics are not separate but are articulated into cultural politics; the process of articulation reveals various comparable areas, including contradictions and differences. Our research pays specific attention to Japanese modernity in the eight popular manga series by Naoki Urasawa. These works seemingly value peace and brotherhood, placing themselves in opposition to the logics of the conservative right wing. After engaging in a thorough reading and re-reading, however, we found three salient themes in the deep layers of the works: first, no-nationality a-nationality; second, the relationship between Japan and the West, and representation of Asia; and third, nostalgia for Japan of the past, and transnational desire. The manga series contain the ideas of leaving Asia and entering the West and overcoming modernity. Our research findings reveal that the works of popular culture, specifically those by Naoki Urasawa, subtly expose transnational desires of Japan in tandem with the tensions in international politics between Asia and Japan.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.2 no.4
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• pp.228-247
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• 2015

Politics is defined as who gets what, when, and how. Communication is defined as the process, outcomes and effects of message transmission through a medium. Thus political communication in Asia, the most dynamic and uncertain region of the world, has been very dense, requiring rigorous scientific analysis and culturally sensitive reflection. Mass media brought about a revolution in political communication in the last century. In the 21st century, complex monitory devices from the state and international organizations and from the society and transnational groups have transformed the features of political communication. It has triggered another revolution in political communication. Illustrations are given focusing on Asia. A theoretical reflection from the angle of political science is attempted focusing on political communication medium and its effects. I compare no medium (face-to-face communication), mass media, and social media in relation to their effects.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.27
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• pp.145-166
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• 2012

In this Study, the search and analysis for the contents of the mass media, especially, such as newspaper articles, broadcast campaigns, broadcating advertisings, the Internet, etc, are accomplished under the assumption that the cause of the negative and fragmentary images about Africa holds a place in Korea's heart resulting from Korean mass media. Africa was seen as not only the continent of famine and diseases, but also a safari and the Nature's repository. However, these images are only the fragments of information about the African continent. So, we have to understand and recognize the origin of Africa in aspect of its learning and the mythology as well as the truth of the African as modern human origins. Moreover, we have to do our endeavor to have a good perspective about Africa as our future partner somewhat less than the wretched continent that we applaud their effort to the pursuit of stability and the development in terms of their modern cities, economy and politics and we have to aid and send relief cargoes simply.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.158-168
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• 2024

With Wenhai big data SaaS cloud platform.2.0, this study analyzed data of 135 news reports relating to Chinese city Chongqing from Yonhap News Agency and ten South Korean mainstream newspapers from May 1^st, 2018 to September 30^th, 2022. Under the framework of Frame Theory, this research conducted data mining and analysis on how Korean mainstream media shaped city image of Chongqing, what kind of city images were shaped from dimensions of politics, economy, society, culture & sports as well as tourism and whether they are consistent with those in Chinese media. At the last part, discussions and suggestions was made.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.164-186
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• 2010

Korean society, suffered from a severe currency crisis in 1997, had scarcely missed another market meltdown in 2008. However, neither economic fundamentals nor has political stability little to do with the recent crises. This paper thus projects the possibility of 'self-fulfilling crisis' in which the media took a critical part in amplifying 'crisis discourses.' For the purpose of understanding of media's impact on such a crisis, at first, this paper chose 'September Crisis in 2008' as a case study. While collecting news articles about the crisis, then, total 118 news articles collected from mainstream newspapers such as DongA-ilbo and Money Today have been analyzed in terms of media frame and discourse strategies. Research results showed that not only has the crisis discourse been shifted by economic situations, but the media re-constructed economic realities in way of justifying their political ideology and loyal readership. Taking those findings into consideration, in final, the authors urged the media to improve their performance by embracing more responsible and professional manners.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2017

The study aims to reveal the differences in the factors influencing portal news and news site application usages on smartphones in regard to political discussion networks, news use across multiple media platforms and news genre consumption. The results demonstrate that those factors affected both types of application usages in a different manner when controlling for demographics. The more participants conversed politics with homogeneous networks, the more they used portal news on smartphones. Conversely, the more political discussion with heterogeneous networks, the more they used news site application on smartphones. The more frequently Internet and mobile phone were employed for news source and the more soft news genre was consumed, the more the portal news application was used. However, the more frequently traditional and social media were employed for news source and the more hard news consumed, the more news site application was used. The findings imply that portal news application users may increase their likelihood of soft news consumption using Internet and mobile phones for political discussion with close social relations, while news site application users may increase their likelihood of hard news consumption using traditional and social media for political discussion with distant social relations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.152-176
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• 2014

Public opinion has dramatically shifted from positive to negative in Korea society especially since the IMF crisis. Such terms as 'aristocratic union', 'collectivism', 'damages on public interest' became a kind of conventional wisdom. Undoubtedly, media's representation has much to do with such a tantamount difference. This study thus attempts to understand the mechanism by analyzing media discourse related to labor strikes. For this purpose, this paper made a choice three cases including doctor-pharmacist dispute, general strike by truckers' solidarity, and Ssangyong Motor's strike. Total 217 editorial pieces of , and conceived to be a representative newspaper of ideological stance were analyzed. Research showed that while paying particular attention to demoralizing labor strikes, shed positive light on such disputes by articulating fundamental causes hampered by pro-capital policies along with anti-labor law enforcement. The believed to be relatively a neutral one showed ambivalent attitudes toward those cases. More favorable and inclusive reporting were found in accordance with policy shifts as well. Media's selective partisanship for the sake of private interests is firmly believed to downgrading credibility on Korean journalism. Also is fair, balanced and less biased reporting over socal disputes a vital part in crystallizing social consensus. In this consideration, the authors hoped this study to provide an opportunity to contemplate on what would be desirable journalistic values in modern democracy.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.717-748
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• 2022

This study was conducted to develop and validate the social media anxiety and anger scale(SAACS), which measures emotions, especially anxiety and anger that can be contagioned to individuals, through posts and comments on social conflicts in social media. A literature search was conducted on social conflicts in social media, 12 factors(anxiety and anger about gender, crime, generation, wealth gap, politics, region) were selected. Then questions were developed after looking into previous literature and reviewing community posts and comments, and 105 preliminary questions were selected. Following the results of exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis for people aged 20 to 39 age group, SAACS was revised to 12 factors(anxiety and anger about gender, crime, generation, wealth gap, politics, and region) and 48 questions. When verifying the validity, the SAACS had a significant level of correlation with the SNS addiction tendency scale, Rosenberg self-esteem scale, Korean aggression questionnaire(K-AQ), and the state-trait anxiety inventory(STAI-X). SAACS showed no significant correlation with Korean emotional contagion scale(K-ECS). Finally, based on the results, the implications of this study and suggestions for future studies were discussed.

• Korean Journal of Communication Studies
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.81-101
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• 2017

The purpose of this paper is two folds: Korean media contents, which has led the Korean Wave in China in 1990s will be reviewed, and the causes of the negative feelings of Korean Wave that have occurred among Chinese netizens will be factored out in order to suggest the solutions to this conflict situation. The reviews and comments on the China's major portal site, Tienya were analyzed by the key words that causes the conflict between China and Korea. Of the total 340,000 responses, politics, history and entertainment are categorized by the keywords, and the largest portion of the netizen's comments are found to be political issues with 34%, particularly the issues related to the THAAD. This means that the negative feeling toward the Korean Wave is more closely related to politics rather than the media contents. Therefore, in order to overcome the negative feelings in China and maintain the stable relationship with the two countries in the midst of the changing US-China situation, it is necessary to lead the media business with high quality contents along with the mutual understanding and cooperation of the media content producers. It is also necessary to try to approach Chinese market in a cooperative and stable way through co-production or joint venture with Chinese media. In consequence, the excellence of Korean cultural contents and the cultural ties with Chinese media market will be identified with in-depth understanding of Chinese nationalism, Sinocentrism and Chinese culture.