• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.29-58
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that Hegel's philosophy of right is a dialectic critique of liberalism. The dialectical criticism in this article does not mean the formal logical denial, but a return to self by self-negation. Thus, if Hegel's philosophy of right is a dialectical critique of liberalism, Hegel's philosophy of right will be critical of liberalism and at the same time, it will not reject liberalism, but rather have aspects of liberalism. The criticism of liberalism implies that individual freedoms and rights can not be realized subjectively through individual free acts, but are realized intersubjectively through social mediums. And this is also found in controversies among modern liberalists because modern liberalism requires the government's role and institutional arrangements for the realization of individual freedoms and rights. We can find the aspects of liberalism in Hegel's philosophy of right since Hegel's ethical life entails ultimately the concrete realization and extension of individual freedom and rights.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.27
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• pp.31-57
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• 2012

The 19th century could not relatively receive attention from local researchers because it was treated as the past cut off from the present as the formative period of modern states of Latin America. According to the characteristics of area studies which focus on changes of politics and society, studies on past affairs could not have been the main focus of attention. But as new liberalism has appeared in Latin America, is throwing the spotlight on liberalism. In addition, the studies on the 19th century have been activated and gradually expanded. And interpretation about the 19th century's history has been variously arranged. Especially, discussion on liberalism and conservatism was established as the key words which can understand and reconsider Latin America in the 19th century. Colombian liberalism which could not overcome heritage of the colonial period in the 19th century and did appear advocating reformation was another form of authoritarianism. Reformation promoted by liberalism was utilized to keep privilege of the ruling class, not to remove the social and economic structure derived from the colonial period. New reformist forces which advocated mercantilism after the middle of the 19th century but they were formed based on the existing system. Colombian Liberal Party was developed as "Another name of conservatization" by reflecting understanding of the conservatives. Colombian liberalists preferred federalism to cut off from repressive characteristics of Spanish colonial rule and secure autonomy of local control through reformation based on economic understanding. Therefore, discussion on the form of government which focused on federalism and centralism acted as the causes of conflict between Colombian liberalism and conservatism. Based on this point, this study tries to analyze liberalism reforms which is the main issue in the Colombian history in the 19th century and consider history of Colombian political conflicts focusing on federalism. The origin of Violencia which is the political violence and Colombian history in the 19th century which has been a series of rebellion can be considered through this procedure.

• 동북아역사논총
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• no.59
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• pp.150-186
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• 2018

This paper explains what Japanese progressive liberalism was in postwar Japan by clarifying Maruyama Masao's "Cold War Liberalism," focusing especially on his realism and nationalism searching for "democracy" and "peace" in the context of the early Cold War Japan. Maruyama's Cold War liberalism can be grasped from two perspectives: how the Cold War defined his liberalism and how Maruyama interpreted the Cold War as a liberalist in postwar Japan. The liberal interpretation of the Cold War captures the spatial manifestations of liberalism in the Cold War while Cold War liberalism was to grasp the temporal succession of modern Japan. Maruyama revealed his liberal thinking by combining it to his idea of nationalism and realism. He was concerned about the reshaping of the fascist atmosphere provoked by anti-communism emerging from 186 | 동북아역사논총 59호the Cold War confrontation structure. He sought "neutrality" and "peace" to overcome the so-called "two worlds" of the Cold War. And he stressed the importance of "fair judgment" and "autonomous association" to restrain the fascistic atmosphere in postwar Japan. For Maruyama, subjectivity aimed at the concept of "nation" rather than "citizen," and nationalism was a condition for "democracy" and "peace" in postwar Japan. Maruyama's critical liberalism worked through nationalism and realism.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.39-67
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• 2018

The Korean welfare state has achieved remarkable development during the last two decades, but simultaneously we have witnessed growing prevalent social conflicts and exclusion in the society. This research argues that the source of current problems lies in the nature of the Korean welfare regime, so called, 'paternalistic liberalism'. The paternalistic liberalism has been formulated by the combination of legacies of the developmental state and neo-liberalism. Paternalism with the growth-oriented and employment-centered approach has been a significant factor to restrict individuals' freedom and happiness in the Korean welfare state. It has also been embedded in the Korean welfare state such as social insurance, workfare programs, and centralized social services. In this context, this research proposes social liberalism, pursuing real freedom for all, as a new paradigm for the Korean welfare state. Breaking from the old path, Freecurity, combining freedom and security, which is argued to be the upgraded version of flexicurity, is also newly proposed as the operating model of social liberalism.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.83-111
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• 2017

The purport of this essay is to examine the possible compatibility of liberalism and perfectionism. Liberalism is typically considered as anti-perfectionism. So communitarian critique of liberalism focused on the effects of its anti-perfectionism. But liberalism could be interpreted as compatible with perfectionism. Joseph Raz attempts to develop and defend "perfectionist" liberalism. He rejects anti-perfectionist "neutrality" and claims that the goal of political action is to encourage pursuit of what is truly good and discourage pursuit of what is morally unworthy. Despite this strong perfectionist claim, Raz's political philosophy gives pride of place to individual liberty, or autonomy, which he considers to be intrinsically valuable. One exercises autonomy in choosing among a plurality of human goods. Nonetheless, Raz forthrightly denies the value of autonomy used to choose what is morally bad and says that society has no reason to protect worthless, much less morally evil, options. Raz is more conventionally liberal, however, in espousing a version of J. S. Mill's "harm principle", arguing that a due regard for autonomy rules out government use of coercive means to discourage "victimless" immoralities. However, there are some serious questions about whether Raz's strong perfectionism can support his principled rejection of "morals legislation". I think that if his strong perfectionism could be a little "weakened" and his autonomy could be interpreted as having only formal value rather than having intrinsic value, then his perfectionism could be compatible with liberalism.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.327-357
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• 2023

Adopting the Tools of Liberalism and Clash of Civilizations theories of international relations, this study examines the perceptions of 25,406 Arabs in 11 Arab countries as expressed in an Arab Barometer survey exploring their perceptions of violence against the United States (US), American citizens as "good," President Donald Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East, increasing economic relations with the US, and welcoming American foreign aid. As aspects of the Clash of Civilizations theory, this study examines religiosity, religious ritual practices, and political Islam and, as aspects of liberalism, this study explores the roles of online media as well as perceptions about US foreign aid in the prediction of the criterion variables. The findings suggest that religious indicators, and aspects of the Clash of Civilizations generally, were negative predictors of the perceptions, while social media and motivations for US foreign aid as aspects of liberalism, positively predicted the perceptions. The study discusses the results in relation to implications for policy makers.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.47-77
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to justify the following four points. 1) Both communitarianism maintaining perfectionism and liberalism maintaining state neutralism are wrong. Communitarian liberalism is right. 2) If we accept a standpoint of communitarian liberalism, every state must make its own moral textbook for the achievement of common good. Of course, it dose not mean that a government must be an author of moral textbook. 3) The subjects of unification education and democratic citizenship education must be included in moral textbook. The crucial difference between moral education and civic education lies not in the educational subject but in the educational method. In order to internalize communal values and virtue, moral education prefer reflective internalization to indoctrination. But civic education prefer indoctrination to reflective internalization. 4) An desirable Korean who shares Korean values and virtue, provisional moral truth of Korea is a citizen of two isms, namely nationalism and cosmopolitanism.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.84
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• pp.5-32
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• 2009

It is becoming harder and harder to philosophically defend liberalism in general under the circumstances in which neoliberalism is presumed to be blamed for today's global economic crisis. I nonetheless believe that liberal democracy can be revitalized with the help not from outside but from inside, although this might make my paper 'untimely'. Philosophical reflection on market is indispensible to the project of radical liberalism. Philosophy of market first delves into the nature of market in Principle. Next, it stipulates upon the complex interrelationships between the market order and the democratic order. This inquiry will cast light on that both the standard pro-market theory and the anti-market theory in relation to democracy are one-sided. The project of radical liberalism can be further articulated with the introduction of the concept of 'the political'. In conclusion, radical liberalism is expounded as a plausible version of Contemporary Korean social philosophy with a universal connotation.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.67
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• pp.267-299
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• 2021

This study is purposed to discuss attributes and limitations of neo-liberalism and to offer some roles of Christian education corresponding neoliberalism. Neo-liberalism is an econosuperism that entrusts all things to market order, and it regards this market as utopia. It does not remain as just an economical principle, but influences all aspects in human life. Then it shows its religiosity connecting to capitalism. Every human in it is thought of as flexible workforces appropriate to neo-liberalism market. Such being the case neo-liberalsim strenghtens instrumentation in education. Then it distorts freedom and equality, and it weakens traditional values. Because of this, modern people's identity is getting to be lost and their human characters to be floated. This study discusses these things critically, and offers roles of Christian education such as founding a well balanced understanding on the Scripture against this neo-liberalsim market, restoring the essential purpose of education from instrumentation in education, and investigating and applicating a holistic human character on the basis of a Christian anthropology against this new human character of neo-liberalsim.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.255-292
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• 2009

This thesis is to study on the prospect of contemporary and theory of contemporary Chinese Neo-liberalism philosopher in the 1990s. The previous Chinese liberalists focused only on political and cultural liberalism, neglecting economic liberalism. As a result, liberalism has not taken root in China. Therefore, the social problems of contemporary China are caused by immature and unregulated market economy controlled by the government, not by the market economy. On the other hand, the social relationship in China is not capitalistic yet. The Chinese need to take the gradual developing step to modernize China. China needs to begin an effort to reform China by the way and speed of the refolution, which lies between reform and revolution; not by making new value system, but by keeping daily ethics and rediscovering the Chinese value system, which is the same as universal ethnics. Moreover, it can solve the mental, cultural problems of modern society. Modernization will be achieved not by ruining the Chinese traditions, but by adjusting the traditions, keeping, and strengthening. Consequently, China will be able to move from agricultural absolutism to modern democracy. The democracy can exist only based on the market economy. Therefore, the goal will be accomplished by democracy based on the market economy starting from Confucian tradition.