• 동양고전연구
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• 제73호
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• pp.249-279
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• 2018

본 논문은 손자병법의 '전략'을 분석하고, 이를 현대사회, 특히 기업경영에 접목하는 시도를 통해 손자병법의 현대적 응용가치를 검증하기 위한 것이다. 군대는 전쟁에서 피해와 희생을 최소화하고 빠른 시간 내에 승리를 얻기 위해 '전쟁전략'을, 기업은 최소비용으로 최대이윤을 내기 위해 '경영전략'을 사용한다. 손자병법의 '세(勢)', '응변력(應變力)', '궤도(詭道)'로 구성되는 전략의 3요소는 현대 기업경영에서의 '내부자원 분석', '외부환경 분석', '정보관리'와 연결된다. 전략의 수립단계에서 손자병법에서는 '선지(先知)', '묘산(廟算)', '군쟁(軍爭)'을 포함하는 '선승전략(先勝戰略)'의 중요성을 강조하였는데, 이는 현대 기업경영에서 '선지'는 3C분석 중 경쟁자분(competitor)과 벤치마킹으로, '묘산'은 SWOT분석과 4P's분석으로, '군쟁'은 포지셔닝전략과 시장선점전략으로 표현되고 있다. 전략의 실행단계에서 '기습전략(奇襲戰略)', '허실전략(虛實戰略)', '분합전략(分合戰略)'은 현대 기업경영에서 '기습전략'은 차별화전략과 집중화전략으로, '허실전략'은 정보관리와 합리적 포지셔닝으로, '분합전략'은 다각화전략, 집중화전략, 변화관리, 본원적 경쟁전략, 시너지효과 등으로 발현되고, 전략의 결실은 손자병법에서는 '전쟁의 승리', 현대 기업경영에서는 '경쟁우위'와 '이윤극대화'로 나타난다. 이처럼 손자병법의 전략은 표현과 방식에 있어서 약간의 차이가 있을 뿐 현대 기업의 경영전략과 궁극적으로 서로 상통하고 있어, 기원전 500년경에 쓴 병법서이지만 빠르게 변화하는 환경과 치열한 경쟁 속에 놓여 있는 현대의 기업들과 현대인들에게 경쟁의 원리와 승리의 비법을 깨닫는데 필요한 '큰 지혜'를 제공하고 있다는 것을 알 수 있다.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제49호
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• pp.357-392
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• 2012

작가는 작품을 통해 자신의 사유(思惟)와 지향(志向)을 드러내기 마련이다. 그런데 그동안 창암(蒼巖)에 대한 연구는 서론과 작품의 형태미를 중점적으로 논의하였을 뿐 작품에 내재되어 있는 사유에 대한 논의는 거의 이루어지지 못하고 있었다. 특히, 창암의 작품은 이광사(李匡師)의 서풍을 계승하면서 복고주의적 성향이 매우 강해서 같은 시기 활동하던 북학파의 영향이 크지 않음을 알 수 있다. 본고에서는 창암의 이러한 서풍을 '복고적 성향'이라고 명명하고, 그의 이러한 복고적 사유가 학서(學書) 과정과 작품에 나타난 구체적 양상을 살펴보았다. 창암은 진적(眞跡) 친필(親筆)자료들을 중시하면서 행초서(行草書)를 즐겨 썼다. 그러나 학서 과정에서 항상 필력을 강조하여 한위(漢魏)의 글씨에 근본을 두었고, 행초서를 쓰더라도 반드시 해서(楷書)를 먼저 익혀 그 필력을 얻어야 한다고 강조하였다. 또한 창암은 평생 동안 왕희지(王羲之) 서풍의 소해(小楷)로 된 작품들을 많이 남겼는데, 이는 조선후기 동국진체(東國眞體)의 서가들이 왕희지의 해서, 특히 소해를 전범으로 하는 것과 일맥상통한다. 이러한 경향은 마음의 스승인 이광사의 영향에 기인한 것으로 보인다. 그러나 창암은 또한 왕희지의 법첩(法帖) 글씨에 부족한 필세를 보완하고자 끊임없이 노력한 흔적들이 발견된다는 점에서 다른 서가들과는 다른 양상을 보인다. 그는 먼저 서예이론에 있어서는 한위(漢魏)의 고법(古法)을 중시하여 채옹(蔡邕)과 종요(鍾繇)를 근본으로 삼고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 또 대해(大楷)에 있어서는 <구루비(??碑)>의 필세가 가미된 <예학명(?鶴銘)>과 위(魏) 무제(武帝)의 글씨, 안진경(顔眞卿)의 <대당중흥송(大唐中興頌)>과 김생(金生) 글씨 등을 끊임없이 연마하였다. 특히, <구루비>와 <예학명>의 필의(筆意)를 이용한 그의 말년 작품은 기본적으로 해서인 <예학명>의 자형(字形)에 <구루비>의 구불구불한 형세(形勢)를 취해 자신의 독특한 서풍을 보여주는 경지에 이를 수 있었다.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제33호
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• pp.359-384
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• 2008

주자(朱子)는 본래 "예기(禮記)"의 43번째 편이었던 "대학(大學)" 독립시켜 "대학장구(大學章句)" 재편집하였고, 이 과정에서 134자(字)를 보충하였다. 보충한 134자(字)는 격물치지(格物致知)에 관한 것으로 주자(朱子)의 이러한 해석(解釋)은 후대 학자들이 "대학(大學)"을 해석(解釋)하는데 크게 공헌하였다. 주자(朱子)는 격물(格物)을 천지(天地) 사이에 존재하는 사물(事物)들의 이(理)를 궁구(窮究)하는 것으로 해석(解釋)하였다. 격물(格物)이 사물(事物)들의 이(理)를 궁구(窮究)한다는 의미라면 궁리(窮理)라는 표현이 보다 적합하다. 그러나, 궁리(窮理)라고 하지 않고 격물(格物)이라고 한 것은 사물(事物)의 실체(實體)를 얻기 위해서라고 주자(朱子)는 주장한다. 이는 격물치지(格物致知)가 허학(虛學)이 아닌 실학(實學)임을 강조하기 위해서이다. 치지(致知)는 격물(格物)의 과정을 통해 나의 앎이 지극해지는 단계이다. 즉, 치지(致知)는 격물(格物)을 통해 얻은 지식들을 종합하여 진지(眞知)를 구하는 단계이다. 이 진지(眞知)는 사의(私意)가 개입할 수 없으므로 진지(眞知)는 보편적인 앎과 같은 것이 된다. 격물치지(格物致知)를 통해 양적으로 축적된 것은 활연관통(豁然貫通)을 통해 질적인 변화를 하게 된다. 격물치지(格物致知)가 하학공부(下學工夫)라면 활연관통(豁然貫通)은 상달공부(上達工夫)에 해당되는 것이다. 활연관통(豁然貫通)은 나의 이(理)가 보편적인 이(理)와 하나가 되는 단계로서 내 마음 속의 준칙(準則)이 보편성을 갖게 되는 단계이다. 즉, 내 마음 속의 준칙(準則)과 보편적인 준칙(準則)이 하나가 됨을 의미한다. 격물치지(格物致知)를 하는 최종 목표는 무엇인가? 격물치지(格物致知)의 최종 목표는 지선(至善)에 도달하는 것이다. 격물치지(格物致知)가 지선(至善)을 지향하고 있다면 활연관통(豁然貫通)을 통해 얻은 내 마음 속의 보편적 준칙(準則) 또한 지선(至善)이 그 기준이 된다. 이런 점에서 본다면 주자(朱子)의 격물치지(格物致知)는 인식론(認識論)의 측면과 윤리적(倫理的) 측면을 모두 포함하고 있다고 할 수 있다.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제39집
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• pp.69-97
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• 2021

'해체(解體, déconstruction)'는 현대철학을 특징짓는 속성의 하나인 창발성(創發性, emergent property)을 유도하는 개념이다. 고대 그리스 철학의 전통이 탈피를 거듭하여 개체의 자유와 평등에 대한 열망을 낳고 이로부터 르네상스와 계몽주의에 이르러 근대라는 역사적 방점 하에 철학의 종지부를 찍는 듯했다. 하지만 철학은 근대마저도 그러한 해체를 통해 그 이상의 가능성을 바라보고자 했다. 근대철학이 플라톤 철학의 인문적 완성으로 신과 인간의 묘한 동거를 꿈꾼다면 현대철학은 해체를 통해 그마저도 거부한다. 플라톤류의 고전적 형이상학은 절대자를 중심으로 순치된 안정된 체계이기는 하지만 결과적으로는 신과 종교를 토대로 할 수밖에 없고 인간의 자율성 또한 신 아래의 자율성일 뿐이다. 현대철학은 해체를 통해 인간 본연의 목소리로부터 철학을 시작하고자 한 노력의 결과 가운데 하나이다. 형이상학에 종속된 인식론이 아닌 인간 실존으로부터의 인식론을 구축하고 자유라는 말이 가질 수 있는 최고의 선을 해체를 통해 실현하고자 했다. 그렇듯 해체 또한 인간의 자유라는 근대적 화두의 연장선에 있다고 해도 틀리지 않다. 해체와 인간의 자유는 결국 서로 떼어낼 수 없는 하나의 몸인 것이다. 묘하게도 종교적 신앙성과 전통적 보수성을 주된 색채로 할 것만 같은 대순사상은 현대적 창발성을 가지고 있다. 대순사상을 창시한 증산이 활동하던 한국의 시기는 역사를 해석하는 예리한 시각이 있는 이들에게는 보물과 같이 중요한 의미를 가진다. 외세에 의한 답습이 아닌 주체적 문제의식 가운데 새로운 세상과 인간의 자유의 의미를 발견하려는 강렬한 염원에 의한 사상적 활동이 펼쳐진 시기이기 때문이다. 그러한 한국의 자생적 창발성이 낳은 비권력적 사상이 바로 흔히 말하는 한국 근대의 신종교인 셈이다. 그 가운데서 대순사상은 참동학으로서 증산의 명맥을 잇고 증산이 남긴 해원의 개념 속에서 근대를 넘은 현대의 가치를 현실 가운데 펼치고자 한다. 대순사상의 해원은 근대를 넘은 현대성을 담고 있다는 점에서 현대철학의 해체와 상통한다. 해원은 첫째로 단주로부터 발현된 인간 실존의 원초적 억압에 따른 근본 원(冤)의 해소를 의미한다. 두 번째로 대순사상의 해원은 인존이라는 해원적 실존을 중심으로 천지인 삼계의 해원을 아우른다. 데리다의 해체가 인간과 사회 내부에 잠재된 보이지 않는 구조와 속박의 틀을 드러내고 그것을 파기하는 것으로부터 억압을 풀고 인간의 근본 자유를 실현하고자 한 것은 대순사상의 해원이 천지인 삼계를 휘감고 있던 근본 억압을 풀어 삼계의 대립을 상생으로 개방하고자 한 점과 동일한 맥락이라고 할 수 있겠다.

• 기독교교육논총
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• 제66권
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• pp.113-145
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• 2021

이 연구는 기독교교육의 성찰을 위해 보드리야르(J. Baudrillard)의 중요개념인 시뮬라시옹(Simulation)과 시뮬라크르(Simulacra) 등을 중심으로 포스트 코로나 시대의 한 단면을 분석할 수 있는 드라마 「펜트하우스」의 소비이데올로기, 이미지의 욕망 및 폭력 등에 관해 검토할 것이다. 보드리야르는 시뮬라시옹 개념이 대중매체의 발전에서 생겨났다고 보고, 대중매체는 결국 실재를 사라지게 하는 '시뮬라시옹의 출현' 혹은 '시뮬라시옹의 과정'이라고 설명한다. 보드리야르는 시뮬라시옹 과정이 대중매체가 지배하는 소비사회의 다양한 영역에서 진행되고 있다는 것을 지적한다. 시뮬라시옹은 이미지에 의해 실재보다 더 실재적인 초과실재를 산출하는 과정이며, 시뮬라크르는 시뮬라시옹의 결과이다. 포스트 코로나 시대의 기독교교육은 비판이론을 통한 비판적 성찰의 준거 기준이 합의 되지 않았다는 부정적 측면으로 인해 거부하지 말고 비판이론의 긍정적 입장을 고려해야 한다. 다시 말해서 대중매체가 주도하는 지배이데올로기와 소비이데올로기의 속성을 봐야한다. 특히 광고나 드라마 영화에서 보여주는 메시지는 시뮬라크르만 남아 실제보다 더 실제 같은 허상임을 보는 관점을 지녀야 한다. 미디어는 말을 하되 상대방의 응답이 이루어질 수 없게 만드는 미디어의 권력을 의미한다. 그것의 대표적인 예표가 텔레비전이며, 연구자가 드라마 「펜트하우스」를 분석하는 이유이기도 하다. 보드리야르는 맥루한(M. McLuhan)의 "미디어가 메시지다"(The medium is the message)라는 명제는 예상치 못하게 모든 내용물과 메시지가 미디어 속으로 사라져 버린 뒤에, 미디어 자신도 증발해 버린다고 지적한다. 그러나 기독교교육은 "하나님 말씀이 메시지"(The word of God is message)임을 가르치고, 배우고, 나누고, 전수하는 것이다. 또한 그 메시지는 내파되거나 함열되는 것이 아니라 영원한 진리로 계속 살아있는 메시지이다. 위기와 불안의 포스트 코로나 시대의 기독교교육은 사회 현상과 관련하여 대중/소비자/교인 개체들을 무저항적이고 무비판적으로 만드는 소비지상주의의 소비문화에 관해 끊임없는 성찰의 장(場)을 마련하고, 일련의 '전망대'의 역할을 감당해야 할 것이다.

• 벤처창업연구
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• 제16권6호
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• pp.17-29
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• 2021

최근 코로나19의 대유행과 재확산에 따른 사회적 거리두기 조치가 강화되고 있다. 이에 영업시간 제한 등 특히 자영업의 급격한 매출 감소로 폐업으로 내몰린 연속 기업가들이 급증하고 있다. 실패에서 배우는 것은 성공의 과정으로 설명할 수 있지만, 사업 실패는 연속 기업가의 심리적, 경제적 손실의 발생과 함께 부정적 감정으로 표출될 수 있다. 이러한 시점에서 연속 기업가들의 사업실패에 따른 부정적 감정의 회복방안을 모색하는 것은 매우 중요한 문제이다. 최근 창업학 관점에서 연속 기업가들의 사업 실패로 인한 슬픔의 부정적 감정을 처리하는 전략적 모델이 부각되고 있다. 본 연구는 연속 기업가의 사업 실패에 대한 슬픔에서 회복요인을 규명하기 위해, Shepherd(2003)의 상실 지향성, 복원 지향성, 이중적 프로세스의 3개 영역으로 설명하였다. 이를 위해 재창업에 도전한 소상공인 연속 기업가 12명을 대상으로 개별 심층 인터뷰를 진행하여 양적 데이터로 규명되지 않는 회복요인에 대한 속성들을 파악하였다. 연구 결과, 첫째, 회복요인은 개인 지향성, 가족 지향성, 네트워크 지향성 3개 영역으로 나타났다. 자존감, 끈기, 개인 역량, 취미, 자신감, 가족 지지, 네트워크, 종교, 사회적 지원 등 9개의 범주에서 회복 향상에 도움이 되는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 회복장애요인은 심리적, 경제적, 환경적 요인의 3개 영역으로 나타났다. 가족, 건강, 사회적 네트워크, 동업자, 경쟁자, 협력업체, 자금, 외부환경, 정부 정책 등 9개 범주에서 부정적인 감정을 지속하게 하는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 슬픔에 대한 감정처리 과정은 상실 지향성, 복원 지향성, 이중적 프로세스의 3개 영역으로 확인하였다. 가족, 협력업체 지원, 사회 구성원 지지, 정부 지원, 취미, 네트워크, 업종 변경, 이사, 제3자 시각, 심리학 공부 등 10개의 범주는 슬픔에 대한 감정 처리 과정에서 회복을 강화하는 것을 확인하였다. 연구의 시사점은 다음과 같다. 연속 기업가들의 사업 실패에 따른 슬픔에서 회복하는 과정을 질적 연구로 시도하였다. 특히, Shepherd(2003)의 이론을 적용하여 회복 연구에 도움이 될 수 있는 기초 자료와 향후 실증 연구를 위한 개념적 모델 및 명제를 제시하였으며 이는 향후 학술적으로 다양하게 논의하고 확장할 수 있다.

• 한국심리학회지:학교
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• 제16권3호
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• pp.231-263
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• 2019

본 연구의 목적은 사회인지동기모형을 기반하여 개발한 대학생의 성장지향성 증진 그룹코칭 프로그램을 실시하여 성장지향성, 삶의 만족도, 지각된 스트레스, 긍정심리자본, 대인관계 변인에 대한 효과성을 검증하는데 있다. 본 프로그램은 성장지향에 유용한 성장지향성, 마인드셋과 뇌의 가소성, 자기 주도적 목표설정, 재능은 지속적 노력의 산물, 실패태도와 관점 변화, 긍정적 정서·사고 및 행동, 타인 이해, 성장지향 가치와 셀프코칭의 8가지 주제이고, 1회 120분씩 총 8회기로 구성하였으며, 3명의 대학생을 대상으로 예비프로그램을 실시한 후, 전문가의 평가와 참여자의 피드백 등을 토대로 일부 프로그램을 수정하였다. 본 프로그램 효과를 검증하기 위해 자율적으로 신청한 대학생 48명을 16명 실험집단, 16명 비교집단, 16명 통제집단으로 배치한 후, 실험집단은 성장지향성 증진 그룹코칭 프로그램을 실시하였고, 비교집단은 암묵증진이론에 기반한 학습목표지향성 향상 프로그램을 실시하였으며, 통제집단은 어떤 프로그램도 실시하지 않았다. 세 집단을 대상으로 프로그램 실시 전·후, 프로그램 종료 후 1개월·3개월 후의 시점에서 성장지향성, 삶의 만족도, 지각된 스트레스, 긍정심리자본, 대인관계를 측정하였다. 자료 분석은 세 집단이 동질 집단인지를 조사한 후, 시점과 집단에 대한 변량분석으로 상호작용효과를 측정하였다. 분석 결과, 성장지향성 증진 그룹코칭이 성장지향성, 삶의 만족도, 지각된 스트레스, 긍정심리자본, 대인관계에서 통계적으로 유의미하여 효과가 있었고 효과크기가 커서 비교 프로그램보다 더 효과가 있음이 확인되었다. 또한 프로그램 종료 후에도 코칭의 효과는 통계적으로 유의미하게 지속되었고, 효과크기가 커서 비교 프로그램 보다 더 효과적으로 지속됨을 확인하였다. 이 연구 결과를 토대로 본 연구는 성장지향성 증진 그룹코칭을 통해 대학생의 성장지향성, 삶의 만족도, 긍정심리자본, 대인관계 능력을 높이고 스트레스를 감소시키는 효과를 과학적 방법으로 검증하였다는 점에서 의의가 있다.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제22권1호
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• pp.81-115
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• 1992

The problem addressed by this study was to determine the effect of nurse - patient agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period of primiparous mothers. It was hypothesized that the experimental treatment would result in hegher self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance. This purpose was to contribute to the planning of nursing care to enhance self- confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance and to the development of relevant nursing theory. Especially, the early postpartum period is crucial toward in recovery from childbirth and attainment of the maternal role. Maternal role attaintment is a complex social and cognitive process of stimulus -response accomplished by learning. Most women attain the maternal role sucessfully. But, some primiparous mothers experience difficultites in attainment of the maternal role due to lack of experience and knowledge. Self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance are important factors in attainment and adjustment to the maternal role (Mercer, 1981a, 1981b ; Lederman, Weigarten, and Lederman, 1981 :Bobak and Jensen, 1985). Nursing is defined as behaviors of nurses add patients that attain nursing goals through action, reaction, interaction, and transaction. For attainment of nursing goals, active participating transactions must occur by agreement on the means to achieve those goals through nurse -patient mutual goal setting and establishment of their active relationships(King, 1981, Ha, 1977). Based on King's theory of goal attainment (1981), this stuy was planned as a non-equivalent control group, non -synchronized quasi -experimental design using agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in early postpartum as the experimental treatment. The data were collected from July 20 to Sep. 1, 1991 by questionnaires with 60 primiparous mothers planing to breast feed after normal deliveries at W hospital in Pusan, Korea. The subjects were divided into a control group(conventional group) -those admitted from July 20 to Aug. 12, and an experimental group(agreement group) - those admitted from Aug. 13 to Sep. 1. The instument for agreement on the means to nursing goals in the early postpartum period included five steps - identification of disturbances of problems through action, reaction, and interaction with primiparous mothers : mutual early postpartal nursing goal setting : exploration of the means to achieve goals ; agreement on the means (self- care, ealry maternal -infant contact, performance of mothering behavior, and communicating about the infant's behavior and health condition) : implementation of the means. This instrument was developed on the basis of King's elements that lead to transactions in nurse-patient interactions. Lederman et al's (1981) scale for Confidence in ability to cope with tasks of motherhood and Lederman et al's(1981) scale for Mother's satisfaction with motherhood and infant care were used to measure self-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance ·with the subjects immediately after admission and on the day of discharge. Self-care performance in the experimental group was measured by self -evaluation tool developed by the investigator from the literature concerned. The tools to measure Pelf-confidence and satisfaction in maternal role performance, and the tool to measure self-evaluation of self-care performance were tested for internal reliability. Cronbach's Alphas were 0.94, 0.94, and 0.63. The data were analysed by using in S.P.S.S. computerized program and included percentage, x²-test, t-test, ANOVA, and Pearson Correlation Coefficient. The conclusions obtained from this study are summerized as follows : 1. The degree of self-confidence in maternal role performance of the total subjects group measured before the experimental treatment was above average with a mean score of 2.77(range 2.14-3.64). Out of 14 items, those with relatively high mean scores were ‘I would like to be a better mother than I am’(3.95), and ‘I have my doubts about whether I am a good mother’(2.87). Those with low mean scores were ‘I know that my baby wants most of the times’(2.28), ‘When the baby cries, I can tell what she /he wants’(2.37), and ‘I have confidence in my ability to care for the baby’(2;50). That is, the self - confidence of Primiparous mothers was considerably high in mothering, but rather low in activities concerning the infant care and understanding of the infant behavior. The degree of satisfaction in maternal role performance of the total subjects group measured before the experimental treatment was high with a mean score of 3.18(range 1.92-3.92). Out of 13 items, those with relatively high mean scores were ‘I am glad 1 had this baby now’(3.75), ‘I play with the baby between feedings when s/he is awake and quiet’(3.67), and ‘I enjoy being a mother’(3.27). Those with low mean scores were ‘I am upset about having too many responsibilities as a mother’(2.78), ‘It bothers me to get up for the baby at night’(2.82), and ‘I get annoyed if the baby frequently interrupts my activities’.(2.82), That is, the satisfaction of primiparous mothers was considerably high in mothering and infant care, but rather low in restraints in time or on the mother's self accomplishment and development. 2. Agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period included process of mutual goal setting, exploration of the means to achieve goals, and ahreement in concert means to achieve goals based on the mothers' condition, concerns, self-perception of the nurse - patient interactions. In the process of agreement, there was agreement that the means to achieve goals should be through trust and establishment of active relationships with the nurse through identification of problems according to planned nursing goals and active interaction, such as explanations, teaching, changing of opinions, acceptance or rejection of explanations, and proposing of questions. Therefore agreement on the means to achieve nursing goals in the early postpartum period appears to be an effective nursing intervention for primiparous mothers. 3. The degree of self- confidence in maternal role performance of the exprimental group was higher than that of the control group(t＝3.95, p＜0.01). Out of 14 items, those with higher score in the experimental group were ‘I would like to be a better mother than I am’(t＝1.93, p＜0.05), ‘I know that my baby wants most of the times’(t＝2.75, p＜0.01), ‘When the baby cries, 1 can tell what she/he wants’(t＝2.10, p＜0.05), ‘I have confidence in my ability to care for the baby’(t＝3.72, p＜0.01), ‘I trust my own judement in deciding how to care for the baby’(t＝1.96, p＜0.05), ‘I feel that I know my baby and what to do for him /her’(t＝2.44, p＜0.01), ‘I am concerned about being able to meet the baby's needs’(t＝2.87, p＜0.01), ‘I know what my baby likes and dislikes’(t＝3.26, p＜0.01), ‘I don't know to care for the baby as well as I should’(t＝2.07, p＜0.05), and ‘I am unsure about whether I give enough attention to the baby’(t＝3.04, p＜0.01), That is, the degree of self-confidence in mothering, activities concerning infant care, and understanding of infant behavior of the experimental group was higher than that of the control group. Therefore, the first hypothesis, that the degree of self-confidence in maternal role performance of the experimental group would be higher than that of the control group, was supported(t＝3.95, p＜0.01). 4. The degree of satisfaction in the maternal role performance of the exprimental group was higer than that or the control group(t＝2.31, p＜0.05). Out of 13 items, those with higher score in the experimental group were ‘I am glad I had this baby now’(t＝2.29, p＜0.05), ‘I enjoy taking care of the baby’(t＝2.4g, p＜0.01), ‘It is boring for me to care for the baby and do the same thing over and over’(t＝2.87, P＜0.01), ‘I am unhappy with the amount of time I have for activities other than childcare’(t＝2.51, p＜0.01), and ‘When bathing and diapering the baby, I would like to be doing something else’(t＝2.43, p＜0.01). That is, the degree of satisfaction in mothering, infant care, and restraints in time of on the mother's self accomplishment and development in the experimental group was higher than that of the control group. Therefore, the second hypothesis, that the degree of satisfaction in maternal role performance of the experimental group would be higher than that of the control group, was supported(t＝2.31, p＜0.05). 5. The third hypothesis, that the higher the degree of satisfaction in materenal role performance, the higher the degree of self-confidence in materenal role performance in the experimental group, was supported (r＝0.57, p＜0.01)

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.