• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.68
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• pp.243-279
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• 2021

Rep. Roh Hoe-chan is a representative politician in Korean progressive politics. From the labor movement to the workers' political organization movement, they devoted themselves to the movement to build a progressive party. As a member of the 17th, 19th, and 20th National Assembly, he carried out legislative activities. The record he left is the record of the political power of workers, the record of the progressive party, and the record of a politician who suffers and practices. Also, as the son of a displaced person, as a student activist suffering from the restoration period, it is also a record of a human being of cultural literacy who played the cello. Archivist's basic research is expected to play a role in creating a virtuous cycle of archive management by structuring the archive and presenting various access points to various users, allowing more diverse research and use in the future.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.20
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• pp.77-114
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• 2009

The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. First, there is no good records management regulation. At this research, I found it that most regulations of the labor unions were all the same. I think they have been copied a kind of one of originality. Second, the definition of records were very narrow, like documentary evidence. Third, the classification, filing, disposal regulations are the below level of the public institution in 1970s. Fourth, there are no standards of the records scheduling for the labor records. What kind of labor records have the historical values? I could not find, only the documentary evidence value. So, I think The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. I investigated the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA. There were many kind of records. For example, the records of regional labor unions also central labor unions, pamphlets, journals, photos, personal records, oral history, organizational records like protocols article of associations internal rules, minute books etc. Like this the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA are very various. But our actual conditions of the labor unions is far from that. Rather, we just have tried collected records for publishing the white papers. But this habitual practice would not be desirable. Because they must manage the records from the producing time. Mostly, 'laborer history HANNAE' were organised, and they are trying the collecting and management of the labor records. Also They are trying the computerizing, compilation. 'HANNAE' has the condition for the transformation of the labor archives. But if they want to be really, they must make the records management infra and so, should normalize the record management firstly. For example, They must be keep the standardized records management regulations, records scheduling redesigned. the developing standard model for the records management. And they have the vision for the hub of the labor archives. When coming to this, it will be realized the labor archives Now the records for the working class are disappearing. The managing the records for the labor is another labor movement. All together should join it. But I think the supporting of the archival science research colleagues will be the essential part.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.41
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• pp.175-212
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• 2014

In 2001 a large amount of labor record have been donated from Jeontaeil Labor Archive-Institute to SungKongHoe University(SKHU). Institute of Labor History in SKHU was established in the wake of the installation of the labor archive. Development of oral archive raised the awareness of the various relationships between the use and production of labor record. Interviewees of oral testimony expressed dissatisfaction and the role of the researchers was not sufficiently exhibited. Examining the main cases of Korea union movement history, we can find contradictions between the use and production of labor record clearly. Interval of interpretation and memory was too big between the parties of 'democratic' union movement in the 1970s. While among the parties who took part in Guro Alliance Strike of 1985, there is a group that remains in the "winner" in history on the one hand, but "loser" on the other without any reasonable criterion. Active intervention of the record users(researchers) is very limited. Among citizens or workers how will be resolved such "struggle of memory" in due process can not be seen. This is one of the reasons why labor archive is not rooted in the region. In this paper, I present a methodological alternatives for the production and use of records through the construction of participatory labor archive. Further, the reconstituted contents of the "documenting locality" strategy by complementing the theoretical part of the method of participation. The study of local and locality requires a "scale" dimension that will make up the identity recognition space, a memory and identity, a social relationship rather than the dimension of the physical space. Alternative "documenting locality" strategy will be able to contribute to solve the problems that occur between the production and use of the recording in labor archive.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.39-54
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• 2022

Using the 1st to 13th rounds of occupational history data of the Korea Employment Information Service's Youth Panel (YP2007), this study explores the trends and characteristics of the youth labor market in Seoul. We further empirically investigated the job duration and wage determinants of youth employed in Seoul. The results confirm that workers who have a higher income and a higher consistency with their majors are less likely to leave. In addition, we find that workers in full-time, householders, or labor unions have a higher income if they are men and work in large companies. In particular, compared to the reference group (appropriate academic background, appropriate skill), mismatches in the lack of education and skill showed a wage increase effect of 4.9% and 5.5%, respectively. For the major consistency, the wage of the matched major group is 3.8% higher than the non-matched major group.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.65-89
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• 2001

We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives opened temporarily at SungKongHoe University(SKHU), have currently collected about 100,000 recorded materials of democratization movement related with labor, farmer, civilian, human rights, peace, unification, young people, student and women's movements by investigating, collecting and receiving donations from civil organizations and individuals, and about 70,000 data out of this 100,000 data were converted into computer files. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp) at SKHU has a significance in that it is the first archive opened by an organization. Furthermore, the opening of this Archive means the expansion of awareness on recording culture and accumulation of the achievements of the democratization movement in Korea. However, many obstacles still remain in the establishment of this Archive in a full-scale. This article examined many theoretical and realistic obstacles posed to the archivists, who are the professionals responsible for record management, in process of establishing the Archive, and the role and future perspectives of the archivists at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp). The first obstacles in the process of organizing and separating the recorded materials at the Archive is a difficulty in the description of classifying the different movement organizations. The second obstacle is a difficulty in specifically applying the international standard, ISAD(G), of record description in the process of establishing the description items. Through many trials and errors, we need to try to confirm the description befitting. The Korea Democracy Movement Archives through continuous adjustment and complementary measures. The third obstacle is a difficulty in estimating the range and physical and quantitative amount of the recorded materials since the collection of recorded materials is complete. Thus, the answers to these problems lie in continuous efforts to establish a creative classification system befitting the democratization movement in Korea in the process of many trials and errors and endeavor. The evaluation classification done by archivists is a creative act forming record heritage, and archivists need to form record heritage reflecting the evaluation system of a certain period. Moreover, they transmit the shape of the current era in a maximum scale to the future by using the minimum amount of records. An archivist is responsible for two tasks, i.e., preserving a record and making other people to utilize the record by working with record. However, We, at The Korea Democracy Movement Archives(temp), have an additional task of contributing to the democratization movement in korea that has not ended by collecting, preserving and making people to utilize the fragments of memory in the recent history of Korea by establishing the Archives.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.114-130
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to reveal the cultural meaning behind modern experiences of diversity through the history of clothing in Korea. To this end, this study examines aspects that dictate clothing culture acceptance experienced and practiced by women by analyzing the case of the Naju rural area in Jeollanam-do from the 1950s to 1980s. Modern clothing was accepted later in the 20 century in this village, and the Satgolnai traditional textile tradition was an important factor after 1950s. In addition, the continuity of the rural five-day market is different from practices in the city. Limitations in access to media such as TV, films, and magazines, and the functional meaning of clothing in rural areas contributed to limitations for women to get the opportunity to access modern clothing items that were popular in the city. Unlike in the city, the event that inspired the transition to full-scale modern clothing in this village was the Saemaul Undong Movement of the 1970s. Additionally, Mombbe (labor cloth) worn during the Japanese colonial period was continuously worn as daily clothes for Naju women even after the 1950s. Therefore, colonial modernity continued through clothing.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.107-156
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• 2018

This article examines the history of the in - house subcontracting and the stabilization of labor - management relations in the steel industry in Japan. The ratio of in-house subcontract workers among steel workers has increased steadily until the mid-2000s, and about 70% in case of the largest company. In-house subcontracting was used as a strategy of the company to increase the quantity flexibility of employment and to save labor costs. The in-house subcontracting company needed company-specialized skills, and the internal labor market was formed because the rate of full-time workers was high and the turnover rate was low. The in-house subcontractor introduced long-term business relationship with the steel factory by introducing the equipment and materials necessary for the performance of the work, and the factory implemented the productivity improvement policy of the in-house subcontractor, and the win-win relationship between the factory and in-house subcontractor was developed. The trade union did not oppose the idea that the expansion of in-house subcontracting contributed to corporate profits, the stability of employment of the members and maintenance of their working conditions. Since 2000, the steel factory has pursued the transformation of in - house subcontractors into subsidiaries, which has been supported by capital relations. By the way, since the mid-2000s, there has been an increase in the number of regular workers' employment. The major factors are as follows: more strengthened compliance with laws and regulations, the higher quality request of customers, stricter keeping of deadlines, and problem in recruiting of workers at in-house subcontract companies. The wage gap between the factory and in - house subcontracting was less at company B than at company S, and the wage level of in - house subcontracting was about 90% of the factory at company B. The relatively small gap at company B seems to be due to the union's movement of narrowing the gap, low market dominance and unfavorable labor market. The internal labor market has been formed in the in-house subcontracting, and the wage gap is not large, and the possibility of labor disputes is low. Industrial relations are stable in the in-house subcontract company as well as the factory. The stabilization of labor-management relations in the steel industry in Korea is required to reduce the wage gap between the factory and in-house subcontract enterprises by raising productivity and expanding the internal labor market at in-house subcontract enterprises.

• Restorative Dentistry and Endodontics
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.843-855
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• 1995

Occupational Dentistry was introduced in Korea about 70 years ago. During the colonial period occupied by Japan till 1945, there were few documents about industrial dentistry, furthermore most cases of occupational diseases and accidents might have been concealed intentionally by the colonial government. After being an independent country, several dentists made efforts to set up 'Preventive Dentistry for Workers' performing specific oral health surveys, even though which were stopped by Korean War. In 1960s' and 1970s', some investigations of oral status were carried out intermittently for specific small groups;white-collar workers, mentally retarded person, buddhist monks and crews of ocean liners. At the same time there was important study in Korean history of occupational dentistry, which was 'a comparison of the oral hygiene conditions in the female workers of a spinning factory at intervals of 30 years.' In 1980s', young researchers began to give attention to erosion of the teeth due to sulphuric acid in the acid-related industry and dental caries due to sugar and flour in the sweets industry. After being democratic labor union movement activated in 1987, hidden and suppressed occupational diseases under the military dictatorship were exposed and flushed in the newspapers. It was shocking for all people that 15-year old boy had been dead due to mercury intoxication after 3-month employment in 1988. In 1990s', the activity for studying oral status of workers in their workplaces was launched and 'Occupational Accidents and Diseases in Oral and Maxillofacial Field' was published. And also The Korean Association of Occupationl Dentistry was established. Oral health examination of workers at the time of employment and of workers exposed to 5 special chemicals at the time of routine special health examination was adopted in 1992, and epocally oral health examination was also included in periodic routine examination of workers' health in 1995. So, occupational dentistry in Korea should cope with the changing needs of working environment and the altering scheme of health examination.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.105-138
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• 2009

Although the decline in fertility rate is generally observed along the history of economic development throughout the world, the continuing decline hitting below the replacement level in Korea over the recent years gathered serious social concerns on the ground that it accelerates the process of population aging. The total fertility rate in Koreareached 2.08 in 1983, and gradually fell to the levels of 1.08 in 2005 and 1.26 in 2007. The policy debate over the role of the government has been focused mainly on the level of theoretical discussion without substantial basis on firm empirical evidence and the determinants of fertility. The objective of the paper is to empirically investigate the fertility effect of the female wage, which is understood as one of the most important determinants of fertility in Koreasince 1980 focusing on one aspect of fertility, namely birth spacing. Using the Korean National Fertility Survey conducted in 2006, I estimate a duration model of first and second births taking into account individual heterogeneity, which turned out to be an important factor to control for. Compared with previous studies in the literature on the Korean fertility, the study has an advantage of using the complete pregnancy history of women in a more representative sample. Unlike the previous studies, the analysis also deals with the endogeneity of marriage by treating a certain age, rather than age at marriage, as the time in which a woman becomes exposed to the risk of pregnancy. The study shares the common problem in the literature on birth spacing of lacking relevant wage information for respondents in a retrospective survey. I estimate the wage series as a function of the basic characteristics using the annual Wage Structure Survey from 1980 to 2005, which is considered as a nationally representative sample for wage information of employees. The results suggest that the increase in female wage by 10 percent leads to a decrease in second birth hazard by 0.56~0.92 percentage points and that the increase in spouse's wage by the equal amount is accompanied by the increase in second birth hazard by 0.36~1.13 percentage points. These estimates are more precisely estimated and of smaller magnitude than those presented by the previous studies. The results are robust to the different specifications of the wage equation. The simulation analysis based on the predicted values shows that about 17% of the change in the second birth hazard over the period 1980 to 2005 was due to the change in the female wage. Although there is some limitation in data, the results can be viewed as one estimate of the role of female wage on the recent fertility decline in Korea. The question raised by the paper is not a normative one of whether a government should promote childbearing but a positive one thatexplains fertility decline. Therefore, if there is a wide consensus on promoting childbearing, the finding suggests that the policies designed to reduce the opportunity cost of women in the labor market would be effective. The recent movement of implementing a wide range of family-friendly policies including child care support, maternity leave, parental leave and tax benefit in developed countries should be understood in this context.