• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• 제23권5호
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• pp.703-714
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• 1999

The purpose of the present study was to identify the effect of ritual dress on korean catholic priest's impression. The subject consisted of 415 undergraduated students. The experimental materials developed for this study were 3 type color photographs stimuli of catholic priest model and 7-point sementic differential scale composed of 49 bipolar adjectives representing personal traits. The data were analyzed by factor analysis. the major findings drawn from this study were as follows : Four factors emerged to account for the dimentional structure of the impression of each dress style. Four factors were titled as open-hearted mind symbolic meaning nature of priest potency. The open-hearted mind factor was the largest throughout the 3types ritual dress. Casula had a positive effect on open-hearted mind nature of prist and negative on symbolic meaning potency. Sutan had a positive effect on open-hearted mind potency nature of priest and negative on symbolic meaning. Black suit with roman collar had a positive effect on open-hearted mind symbolic meaning nature of prist and negative on potency, Therefore the ritual dress had significant effect on korean catholic priest' impressin of open-hearted mind symbolic meaning nature of prist activity and potency

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.19-27
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• 1996

The aim of this study is to analyze the intrinsic meaning of housing according to meaning of ritual space in Korean housing. At a traditional housing the rites give a sacred characteristic and grade of ranks to space. According to rites Malu(Dae-Chung) is a male's space and An-Bang is a female's space. At a present housing the central characteristic of An-Bang and sexual division of space are weakened and the space of dead person is disappered. But the rites and ritual space give sacred characteristic stability and identification in housing.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.107-111
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• 1990

During the Chosun dynasty there were royal proprieties of tea ritual mainly for the purpose of serving envoys from neighboring countries and offering of a new product to the Deity. There were Buddhist proprieties of tea ritual representing religious ideals of each sect of Buddhism. And Confucian tea rituals were performed in accordance with the book entitled Kare (a family code of decorum) written by Chuja. Besides these there, were Taoist proprieties of the ritual.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• 제34권3호
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• pp.55-72
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• 2021

Objectives : This paper investigates the significance of the transmission ritual (TR) documented in the Huangdi Neijing (HN) and its effects on medicine pursued by HN's authors (medical bureaucrats). Methods : Descriptions of knowledge transmission and related ritual were identified from HN texts. They were compared with similar types of actions in ancient China, then historically reconstructed. They were also approached from the perspective of ritual studies. Results : It appears highly probable that TR in HN had actually been performed by the authors themselves, which shows characteristics of rites of passage. The participants accepted the in-group order based on patrimonial piety. TR consecrates the participants as well as its object, which is medical knowledge. Conclusions : In the field of TR, the participants shared not only a specific document or knowledge, but also their common experiences of medical perfection and sanctity. They constructed their noble group identity through TR. At the same time, TR inhibited arguments inside the group, in favor of one-way communication.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• 제39권5호
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• pp.89-105
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• 2001

This study on Jeung San Kyo, one of Korea's new religions, considered the name, kind, form, color and the thoughts of ritual dress which is involved in 15 religious blanches acting currently according to books and the actual research. The following is below. 1 Each names of ritual dresses called rigious branches are Bob Bok(법복), Doh Bok(도복), Yeah Bok(예복) and Jea Bok(제복). 2 In most religious blanches, ritual dress is the Korean cloths which Poh is wear above and Kwan is put on, and the form of Poh(포) is the similar with Durumagi(두루마기), Danryungpoh(단령포), Jungchimak(중치막), Jikryungpoh(직령포) etc, but not the form of Git, Moo and Yiohmim. Kwanmoh is named Chill-Chung-Kwan(칠층관), Yiun-Hwa-Kwan(연화관), Yiun-Kwan(연관), In-Hwa-Kwan(인화관), Tong-Chon-Kwan(통천관) etc. 3. In most religious orders but Dae Suun Jin Li Hueay(대순진리회), Jeung San Doe Jang(증산도장), Colors are used, white, lightblue, and yellow is used in Jeung San Pop Jong Kyo(증산법종교), Dong Doe Pop Jong Gyum Gang Doe(동도법 종금강도). White color means the mind of a people tradition, and light blue expresses an Oriental nation, namely, “Korea”, and is the color representing Jeung San Kyo, and yellow shows the central religion in the future. 4. Jeung San Kyo ceremony fashion reflects the ideologies of the principal role, the Um and Yang-five elements, and, nationalism according to form, color.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.145-154
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• 2003

This research was performed to identify the characteristics of the Korean rituals and to establish the desirable ritual culture. The recognition of the ritual culture was investigated by the general environmental factors such as gender, age, religion and education background. The rituals were generally recognized as positive. Some significant differences were shown according to religion, gender and residential area. To succeed the tradition of the preparation and the table-setting of ritual foods and to conduct the rituals by the descendants were recognized relatively high by the Buddhists and males living In Gyeongsangbuk-do. The degree of recognition of the method of table-setting of ritual foods was higher if one was married and older, with Buddhism and the oldest daughter-in-law in a family. As above, the culture of Korean rituals showed some differences according to the general environment and regions of the individual. The reason why regional differences were shown high was mainly because tradition and conservatism were maintained according to the unique regional thought and natural environment rather than impacts of the changes of times. That some differences were shown according to general environmental factors suggested that the traditional ritual culture was gradually changing according to the environmental changes in the modem times. Also, the recognition on the ritual culture were identified through investigations by general environmental factors such as gender, age, religion and education background.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• 제62권5호
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• pp.16-30
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• 2012

This study examines the types and features of formal ritual hats for Tibetan Buddhist priests. Findings of the study are as follows. The types of formal hats that Tibetan Buddhist priests wear during religious rites or rituals include: u rgyan pad zhwa, pan zhwa, tshogs zhwa, rigs inga, zhwa nag, zhwa dmar and dwags zhwa. The reason why such formal ritual hats as listed above were developed is because the region had an alpine climate, and also because they were the symbolism of Buddhism, the most reverent priest, and reincarnated Buddha thoughts. They were an essential part of the culture of dressing Buddhist statues and offering utensils. Formal ritual hats' shapes originate from lotus. They are colored in red, yellow, indigo, green, white or black, that reflect the nationality and aesthetics of Tibetans. They are mainly made of woolen or silk fabrics. They are usually decorated with gold, git bronze or jewels and the patterns of the sun and the moon, vajra or clouds.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• 제23권2호통권98호
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• pp.235-244
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• 2007

This study was performed to investigate Seoul undergraduate students' thoughts on funeral rites and sacrificial rituals as well as ritual foods. A total of 542 students offered answers that the importance of sacrificial rituals was connected to filial piety for the ancestor, the customs descended from the past, and the belief that descendents received fortunes. The students didn't know the funeral rites process, but acknowledged they needed to know funeral rites, and would perform their parents' sacrificial rituals. We also found that students whose hometowns were Gangwondo and Jejudo were familiar with sacrificial rituals foods as well as their preparation and cooking. Also, the older the students, the better they knew the funeral rites process, sacrificial rituals and ritual foods. There were great differences in sacrificial rituals according to parent and student religions. Buddhists knew the most about funeral rites and sacrificial rituals, followed by Roman Catholics and agnostics. Protestant Christians were not interested in sacrificial rituals. The funeral rites process and the handing down of sacrificial ritual foods had significant differences based on sibling number. The more brothers and sisters in a family, the more committed they were to performing their parents' sacrificial rituals and the higher their interest in sacrificial ritual foods.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• 제42권4호
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• pp.132-151
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• 2009

Gut (Shaman ritual) in the west coast area is consisted to sanyang-geori (hunting), tasal-geori, gunwoong-geori those describe from hunting process to preparing animal sacrifices to a deity. The characteristic of gut in the west coast area which are represented for mock hunting and animal sacrifice ritual is practicing at the sibamasturi in Japan. This paper aims to compare a shaman ritual in west coast area in Korea and Japanese Sibamasturi from the comparative folklore point of view. Gut in the west coast area is well known for dividing sacrificial offering: vegetable for sinryeong and meat for singyeong. This division of spiritual deity shows it has different background from agriculture and hunting culture. Hwanghae-do gut has been formed under the various life environments. Therefore, each stage is conducted according to the purpose of the ritual. Sanyang-geori (hunting) represents the scene of hunting in the mountain and by catching live animals and it refers to Gunwoonsin, and will be offered. Animal sacrifice is a positive ritual which get rid of bad luck and pleased deity. Sibamasturi is practiced in mountain area where most of people involve in hunting and agriculture. Therefore, this area has both agricultural ritual and hunting ritual. Sibamasturi is practiced in January (lunar) and it also has meaning of beginning of agriculture and hunting in mountain area. Ground burnt off for cultivation way symbolizesfire ritual and mock hunting as well as animal sacrifice together. These rituals match to farmers of mountain area in the south-east Asia. The gut in the west coast area and Japanese Sibamasturi have common point that mock hunting and animal sacrifice are practiced at both rituals, however, the structure for these two ritual are different. In other word, there animal sacrifice has been formed with different cultural back ground.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.173-184
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• 1998

The results of this theis are as follows. As regards the chronological transformation of the royal court dancing which is characterized by the variousness and colorfulness of the old-fashioned dancing suit, in the pre-dynasty of triple alliance among Shinla, Bakjae, and Goguryeo, the traditional ritual stood on ceremony through the ceremonial dancing in support of a religional rite. But while the Shinla, Bakjae, and GoGuRyeo dynasty began to excercise the systematic royal control over people, each royal court employed the professional ritual dancers; and it encouraged them to dance on the variety of ceremony on behalf of a rite and celebration. Of course, except for that of Shinla dynasty, it is not so easy to find out the historical record for the evidence which can back up these facts. As representatives of a ritual dancing, the religional ceremony of Shinla dynasty brought about the orientation of GumGee-Mu, MooAe-Mu, Saseon-Mu, Seonyu-Ak, and Cheoyong-Mu.