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A Study of the Removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from the Samneung Valley at Namsan, Gyeongju during the Japanese Colonial Era (일제강점기 경주 남산 삼릉계 약사여래좌상 반출 경위에 대한 고찰)

  • Jun, Araki
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.150-169
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    • 2020
  • Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

The cinematic interpretation of pansori and its transformation process (판소리의 영화적 해석과 변모의 과정)

  • Song, So-ra
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.43
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    • pp.47-78
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    • 2021
  • This study was written to examine the acceptance of pansori in movies based on pansori, and to explore changes in modern society's perception and expectations of pansori. A pansori is getting the love of the upper and lower castes in the late Joseon period, but loses the status at the time of the Japanese colonial rule and Korean War. In response, the country designated pansori as an important intangible cultural asset in 1964 to protect the disappearance of pansori. Until the 1980s, however, pansori did not gain popularity by itself. After the 2000s, Pansori tried to breathe in with the contemporary public due to the socio-cultural demand to globalize our culture. And now Pansori is one of the most popular cultures in the world today, as the pop band Feel the Rhythm of KOREA shows. The changing public perception of pansori and its status in modern society can also be seen in the mass media called movies. This study explored the process of this change with six films based on pansori, from "Seopyeonje" directed by Lim Kwon-taek in 1993 to the film "The Singer" in 2020. First, the films "Seopyeonje" and "Hwimori" were produced in the 1990s. Both of these films show the reality of pansori, which has fallen out of public interest due to the crisis of transmission in the early and mid-20th century. And in the midst of that, he captured the scene of a singer struggling fiercely for the artistic completion of Pansori itself. Next, look at the film "Lineage of the Voice" in 2008 and "DURESORI: The Voice of East" in 2012. These two films depict the growth of children who perform art, featuring contemporary children who play pansori and Korean traditional music. Pansori in these films is no longer an old piece of music, nor is it a sublime art that is completed in harsh training. It is only naturally treated as one of the contemporary arts. Finally, "The Sound of a Flower" in 2015 and "The Singer" in 2020. The two films constructed a story from Pansori's history based on the time background of the film during the late Joseon Dynasty, when Pansori was loved the most by the people. This reflects the atmosphere of the times when traditions are used as the subject of cultural content, and shows the changed public perception of pansori and the status of pansori.

A Hematological Study on Korean of Rural Community - Correllation on Blood Pressure, Hematocrit- (한국(韓國) 일부(一部) 농촌주민(農村住民)에 대(對)한 혈액학적(血液學的) 고찰(考察) -혈압치(血壓値)와 적혈구용적치관계(赤血球容積値關係)를 중심(中心)으로-)

  • Nam, Taik-Sung;Kang, Duk-Yong
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.36-42
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    • 1977
  • A study on blood pressure and hematocrit values of 1,559 people in 19 Korean rural areas was carried out in 1974 and the results were analyzed statistically. Obtained as follows: 1. The blood pressure according to sex and age groups (from the twenties to the seventies) was as follows: 1) The blood pressure of male by age group il) In the twenties, M (mean) was 125. 85/74, 15mm/Hg, a (standard deviation) was 15.9/10.2, and ill (standard error) was 1.55/0.99. (2) In the thirties, ${\delta}$ was 123.93/77.19 mm/Hg, a was 14.4/10.8, and m was 1.24/0.93. (3) In the forties, M was 128.44/81.15 mm/Hg, a was 23.9/14.7, and m was 2.16/1.33. (4) In the fifties, M was 128.48/181.24 mm/Hg, a was 24.7/13.9, and m was 2.05/1.16. (5) In the sixties, M was 135.80/81.70 mm/Hg, a was 27.4/18.8, and ${\delta}$ was 2.74/1.88. (6) In the seventies, M was 146.84/83. 16mm/Hg, ${\delta}$ was 24.5/10.0, and m was 5.62/2.30. 2) The blood pressure of female by age group (1) In the twenties, M was 117.89/73.33 mm/Hg, ${\delta}$ was 15.7/12.1, and m was 1.42/1.09. (2) In the thirties, M was 118.04/75.71 mm/Hg, ${\delta}$ was 16.9/13.0, and m was 1.13/0.87. (3) In the forties, M was 120.92/78.17 mm/Hg, ${\delta}$ was 20.9/12.9, and m was 1.42/0.87. (4) In the fifties, M was 122.14/79.55 mm/Hg, ${\delta}$ was 24.2/15.9, and m was 1.63/1.07. (5) In the sixties, M was 131.57/84.29 mm/Hg, ${\delta}$ was 28.4/16.9, and m was 2.58/1.53. (6) In the seven ties, M was 139.62/86, 54 mm/Hg, ${\delta}$ was 22.4/15.7, and m was 4.38/3.09. And the range of systolic blood pressure in male was 70~230 mm/Hg and in female was 80-230 mm/Hg. The range of distolic blood pressure in male was 50~160 mm/Hg and in female was 40~140 mm/Hg. 2. The hematocrit value according to sex and age groups was as follows: 1) The hematocrit values of male by age group (1) In the twenties, M was 42.72%, ${\delta}$ was 3.05, and m was 0.30. (2) In the thirties, M was 41.77%, ${\delta}$ was 3.29, and m was 0.28. (3) In the forties, M was 41.39, ${\delta}$ was 3.86, and m was 0.35. (4) In the fifties, M was 40.12%, ${\delta}$ was 3.65, and m was 0.30. (5) In the sixties, M was 39.88%, ${\delta}$ was 3.81. and m was 0.38. (6) In the seventies, M was 38.47%, ${\delta}$ was 2.27, and m was 0.52. 2) The hematocrit values of female by age group (1) In the twenties, M was 35.40%, ${\delta}$ was 3.37, and m was 0.30. (2) In the thirties, M was 35.50%, ${\delta}$ was 3. 35, and m was 0.22. (3) In the forties, M was 35.75%, ${\delta}$ was 3. 18, and m was 0.22. (4) In the fifties, M was 35.84%, ${\delta}$ was 3.30, and m was 0.22. (5) In the sixties, M was 35.70%, ${\delta}$ was 3.35, and m was 0.30. (6) In the seventies, M was 35.08%, ${\delta}$ was 3.08, and m was 0.60. The range of hematocrit values in male was 23~50% and in female was 18~50% (un associated with age groups). 3. In comparison with the blood pressure and the value of hematocrit of study groups showed that the blood pressure raised higher but the value of hematocrit got lowered on the contrary as the groups are getting older. 4. Total number of patients with hypertension was 165(10.6%) which were consisted with 71 male (11.3%) and 94 female (10.1%). But only two cases of the male patient and one case of the female patient were associated with protein uria. 5. The incidence of anemia by hematocrit values was as follows: 1) The incidence of male anemia patients based on$\leqq$41% ($\leqq$39%). (1) In the twenties, incidence was 43.90% (16.98%). (2) In the thirties, 41.48% (25.93%). (3) In the forties, 42.62% (25.41%). (4) In the fifties, 62.76% (40.69%). (5) In the sixties, 70% (38%). (6) In the seventies, 84.21% (73.68%). 2) The incidence of female anemia patients bailed on $\leqq$35% ($\leqq$34%). (1) In the twenties, incidence was 43.90% (37.39%). (2) In the thirties, 48.21 % (33.93%). (3) In the forties, 43.58% (32.57%). (4) In the fifties, 45.91 % (34.09%). (5) In the sixties, 47.11% (37.19%). (6) In the seventies, 50% (46.15%) 6. The incidence rate of anemia patients with hypertension was highest in the age group 51~60 in male and 31~40 in female.

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Records Management and Archives in Korea : Its Development and Prospects (한국 기록관리행정의 변천과 전망)

  • Nam, Hyo-Chai
    • Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.19-35
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    • 2001
  • After almost one century of discontinuity in the archival tradition of Chosun dynasty, Korea entered the new age of records and archival management by legislating and executing the basic laws (The Records and Archives Management of Public Agencies Ad of 1999). Annals of Chosun dynasty recorded major historical facts of the five hundred years of national affairs. The Annals are major accomplishment in human history and rare in the world. It was possible because the Annals were composed of collected, selected and complied records of primary sources written and compiled by generations of historians, As important public records are needed to be preserved in original forms in modern archives, we had to develop and establish a modern archival system to appraise and select important national records for archival preservation. However, the colonialization of Korea deprived us of the opportunity to do the task, and our fine archival tradition was not succeeded. A centralized archival system began to develop since the establishment of GARS under the Ministry of Government Administration in 1969. GARS built a modem repository in Pusan in 1984 succeeding to the tradition of History Archives of Chosun dynasty. In 1998, GARS moved its headquarter to Taejon Government Complex and acquired state-of-the-art audio visual archives preservation facilities. From 1996, GARS introduced an automated archival management system to remedy the manual registration and management system complementing the preservation microfilming. Digitization of the holdings was the key project to provided the digital images of archives to users. To do this, the GARS purchased new computer/server systems and developed application softwares. Parallel to this direction, GARS drastically renovated its manpower composition toward a high level of professionalization by recruiting more archivists with historical and library science backgrounds. Conservators and computer system operators were also recruited. The new archival laws has been in effect from January 1, 2000. The new laws made following new changes in the field of records and archival administration in Korea. First, the laws regulate the records and archives of all public agencies including the Legislature, the Judiciary, the Administration, the constitutional institutions, Army, Navy, Air Force, and National Intelligence Service. A nation-wide unified records and archives management system became available. Second, public archives and records centers are to be established according to the level of the agency; a central archives at national level, special archives for the National Assembly and the Judiciary, local government archives for metropolitan cities and provinces, records center or special records center for administrative agencies. A records manager will be responsible for the records management of each administrative divisions. Third, the records in the public agencies are registered in the computer system as they are produced. Therefore, the records are traceable and will be searched or retrieved easily through internet or computer network. Fourth, qualified records managers and archivists who are professionally trained in the field of records management and archival science will be assigned mandatorily to guarantee the professional management of records and archives. Fifth, the illegal treatment of public records and archives constitutes a punishable crime. In the future, the public records find archival management will develop along with Korean government's 'Electronic Government Project.' Following changes are in prospect. First, public agencies will digitize paper records, audio-visual records, and publications as well as electronic documents, thus promoting administrative efficiency and productivity. Second, the National Assembly already established its Special Archives. The judiciary and the National Intelligence Service will follow it. More archives will be established at city and provincial levels. Third, the more our society develop into a knowledge-based information society, the more the records management function will become one of the important national government functions. As more universities, academic associations, and civil societies participate in promoting archival awareness and in establishing archival science, and more people realize the importance of the records and archives management up to the level of national public campaign, the records and archival management in Korea will develop significantly distinguishable from present practice.

Serum 25-Hydroxy Vitamin $D_3$ Analysis of Korean People (한국인 일반인의 혈청 25-Hydroxy Vitamin $D_3$의 분석)

  • Kim, Bo-Kyung;Jung, Hyun-Mi;Kim, Yun-Kyung;Kim, So-Young;Kim, Jee-Hyun
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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    • v.14 no.1
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    • pp.133-137
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    • 2010
  • Purpose: The main function of vitamin D is the mineralization of the brain by increase of calcium and phosphorus, in case it is insufficient in children, lime deposition on cartilage cannot occur so it leads to rachitis, and in adults, it leads to osteomalacia or osteoporosis. It is also strongly believed in the academic world that vitamin D can restrict the growth of cancer cells and prevent heart diseases, which is also somewhat proven in epidemiological researches. While the right density of vitamin D is still being studied, 20-32 ng/mL is believed to be the most ideal density. Therefore, I wanted analyze how much density of 25-Hydroxyvitamin D3 that Koreans possess. Materials and Methods: From February 20th, 2008 to April 21st, 2009, the collection of 2800 serums, from medical examination treated subjects by Neodin Medical Institute, have been tested. The targets were tested by 25-Hydroxyvitamin D (125I Kit: Diasorin, USA), and were analyzed by dividing into many different categories (gender, age, season, region). Results: The average density of male were 20 ng/mL, female 17.08 ng/mL. Per age groups, the density of males were as follows: 10~20-18 ng/mL, 21~30-17 ng/mL, 31~40-19 ng/mL, 41~50-21 ng/mL, 51~60-22 ng/mL, 61~70-22 ng/mL, 71~80-22 ng/mL and 81~90-19.9 ng/mL. Average density of females per age groups, were as follows: 10~20-16 ng/mL, 20~30-15.26 ng/mL, 30~40-16 ng/mL, 40~50-17 ng/mL, 50~60-19 ng/mL, 60~70-19 ng/mL, 70~80-19 ng/mL, and 80~90-17 ng/mL. Per seasons, From December to May, the subjects showed the density of 15.97 ng/mL, while from June to November, it showed 21.60 ng/mL. On density of males from January to April regionally, Seoul+Gyeonggi-Do-15.52 ng/mL, Gangwon-Do-15.33 ng/mL, Choongchung-Do-18.03 ng/mL, Jeonla-Do-18.68 ng/mL, Gyungsang-Do-18.76 ng/mL and Cheju Do-21.23 ng/mL. Conclusions: The vitamin D of Koreans is has been insufficient compared to the suggested amount. Ultraviolet rays, which is the main source of vitamin D is critical, therefore it is suggested that more outdoor activities can definitely help.

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Permission of the Claim that Prohibits Military Aircraft Operation Nearby Residential Area - Supreme Court of Japan, Judgement Heisei 27th (Gyo hi) 512, 513, decided on Dec. 8, 2016 - (군사기지 인근주민의 군용기 비행금지 청구의 허용 여부 - 최고재(最高裁) 2016. 12. 8. 선고 평성(平成) 27년(행(行ヒ)) 제512, 513호 판결 -)

  • Kwon, Chang-Young
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.33 no.1
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    • pp.45-79
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    • 2018
  • An increase of airplanes and military aircraft operation lead to significant demanding of residential claims by people who live in nearby airports and military bases due to noise, vibration and residential damages caused by aircraft operations. In recent years, a plaintiff has filed a lawsuit against the defendant, claiming the prohibition of using claimant's possessed land as a helicopter landing route, and the Daejeon High Court was in favour of the plaintiff. Although the Supreme Court later dismissed the Appeal Court decision, it is necessary to discuss the case of setting flight prohibited zone. In Japan, the airport noise lawsuits have been filed for a long time, mainly by environmental groups. Unlike the case that admitted residential damages caused by noise, the Yokohama District Court for the first time sentenced a judgment of the prohibition of the flight. This ruling was partially changed in the appellate court and some of the plaintiffs' claims were adopted. However, the Supreme Court of Japan finally rejected such decision from appeal and district courts. Atsugi Base is an army camp jointly used by the United States and Japan, and residents, live nearby, claim that they are suffering from mental damage such as physical abnormal, insomnia, and life disturbance because of the noise from airplane taking off and landing in the base. An administrative lawsuit was therefore preceded in the Yokohama District Court. The plaintiff requested the Japan Self-Defense Forces(hereinafter 'JSDF') and US military aircraft to be prohibited operating. The court firstly held the limitation of the flight operation from 10pm to 6am, except unavoidable circumstance. The case was appealed. The Supreme Court of Japan dismissed the original judgment on the flight claim of the JSDF aircraft, canceled the first judgment, and rejected the claims of the plaintiffs. The Supreme Court ruled that the exercise of the authority of the Minister of Defense is reasonable since the JSDF aircraft is operating public flight high zone. The court agreed that noise pollution is such an issue for the residents but there are countermeasures which can be taken by concerned parties. In Korea, the residents can sue against the United States or the Republic of Korea or the Ministry of National Defense for the prohibition of the aircraft operation. However, if they claim against US government regarding to the US military flight operation, the Korean court must issue a dismissal order as its jurisdiction exemption. According to the current case law, the Korean courts do not allow a claimant to appeal for the performance of obligation or an anonymous appeal against the Minister of National Defense for prohibiting flight of military aircraft. However, if the Administrative Appeals Act is amended and obligatory performance litigation is introduced, the claim to the Minister of National Defense can be permitted. In order to judge administrative case of the military aircraft operation, trade-off between interests of the residents and difficulties of the third parties should be measured in the court, if the Act is changed and such claims are granted. In this connection, the Minister of National Defense ought to prove and illuminate the profit from the military aircraft operation and it should be significantly greater than the benefits which neighboring residents will get from the prohibiting flight of military aircraft.

Trend of Medical Care Utilization and Medical Expenditure of the Elderly Cohort (노인 코호트의 의료이용 및 입원진료비 변화 추이 -공.교 의료보험 대상자를 대상으로-)

  • Lee, Kyeong-Soo;Kang, Pock-Soo
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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    • v.30 no.2 s.57
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    • pp.437-461
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    • 1997
  • Because of a significant improvement in the economic situation and development of scientific techniques in Korea during the last 30 years, the life expectancy of the Korean people has lengthened considerably and as a result, the number of the elderly has markedly increased. Such an increase of the number of aged population brought about many social, economic, and medical problems which were never seriously considered before. This study was conducted to assess the trend of medical care utilization and medical expenditure of the elderly. The data of each patient in the study were taken from computer database maintained for administrative purpose by the Korea Medical Insurance Corporation. The study population was 132,670 who were 60 years old or more and registered in Korean Medical Insurance Corporation from 1989 to 1993. The study subjects were predominantly female(56.3%) and 10,000-20,000 Won premium group(50.6%). The following are summaries of findings : The total increase of the number of inpatient cases was 40.5% from 1989 through 1993. The average annual increase was 3.7% in inpatient medical expenditures per case, 4.4% in inpatient medical expenditures per day and 0.08% in length of stay per case from 1989 through 1993. Cataract was the most prevalent disease of 10 leading frequent diseases in all ages from 1989 through 1993. The case mix in 1993 compared to 1989 revealed that cataract and ischemic cerebral disease were increased whereas essential hypertension and pulmonary tuberculosis were decreased . The average annual increase of medical expenditures was 3.8% in general hospitals, 6.3% in hospitals and 2.4% in clinics. From 1989 through 1993, medical expenditures used by high-cost patients accounted for about 14% to 20% of all expenditures for inpatient care, while they represented less than 2.5% of the elderly population. Time series analysis revealed that total medical expenditures and doctor's fee for inpatient will be progressively increased whereas drug expenditures for inpatient will be decreased. And there will be no change in length of stay. Based on the above results, the factors increasing medical cost and utilization should be identified and the method of cost containment for the elderly health care should be developed systematically.

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The Modern Understanding and Misunderstanding about the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple (원각사(圓覺寺)13층탑(層塔)에 대한 근대적 인식과 오해)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.50-80
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    • 2021
  • This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

Comparative evaluation of radiation exposure in radiation-related workers (방사선 작업종사자의 피폭선량 비교 평가)

  • Baek, Seong-Min;Jang, Eun-Sung
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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    • v.5 no.4
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    • pp.195-200
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    • 2011
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the dose of radiation exposure to radiation-related workers in a hospital setting, thus increasing awareness of the health risk to the radiation-related workers. The result of the analysis showed the average dose of radiation exposure to radiation-related workers in hospital K was $0.75{\pm}0.26mSv$ in 2008, $0.67{\pm}0.30mSv$ in 2009, and $0.92{\pm}0.33mSv$ in 2010. The average dose of radiation exposure in hospital P was $0.43{\pm}0.13mSv$ in 2008, $0.43{\pm}0.20mSv$ in 2009, and $0.33{\pm}0.85mSv$ in 2010. The average dose of radiation exposure in hospital K by age group was 13.39mSv for age 20 to 29, 8.37mSv for age 30 to 39, 1.19mSv for age 40 to 49, 0.28mSv for age 50 to 59, and 0.32mSv for age 60 to 69 The average dose of radiation exposure in hospital P by age group was 0.33mSv for age 20 to 29, 1.41mSv for age 30 to 39, 0.83mSv for age 40 to 49, 1.66mSv for age 50 to 59, and 1.12mSv for age 60 to 69. Moreover, the average radiation exposure to radiation-related workers over 3 year period by gender group in hospital K was $2.92{\pm}1.03mSv$ for male group and $0.94{\pm}0.93mSv$ for female group. The average radiation exposure over 3 year period by gender group in hospital P was $0.66{\pm}0.18mSv$ for male group and $1.80{\pm}0.60mSv$ for female group. Persons working in diagnostic radiology department received mean of $1.65{\pm}1.54mSv/year$, mean $1.17{\pm}0.82mSv/year$ in radiation oncology, mean $1.79{\pm}1.42mSv/year$ at nuclear medicine department and mean $0.99{\pm}0.51mSv/year$ at other departments. Radiation exposure was higher than that of other departments(p<0.05). Doctors and technologists received higher radiation exposure (mean $1.75{\pm}1.17mSv/year$, $1.60{\pm}1.39mSv/year$ each) than other workers(p<0.05). Measurement and evaluation of radiation exposure in radiation-related workers should be widely conducted accurately and consistently in the radiation-related occupational setting so that people in these occupational settings are more aware of the risk from radiation exposure, and thus give more attention and caution to decrease radiation exposure. It would be essential to minimize accumulated radiation dose in the radiation-related occupational setting in order to maintain and improve the health of radiation-related workers.

Evaluation of Error Factors in Quantitative Analysis of Lymphoscintigraphy (Lymphoscintigraphy의 정량분석 시 오류 요인에 관한 평가)

  • Yeon, Joon-Ho;Kim, Soo-Yung;Choi, Sung-Ook;Seok, Jae-Dong
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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    • v.15 no.2
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    • pp.76-82
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    • 2011
  • Purpose: Lymphoscintigraphy is absolutely being used standard examination in lymphatic diagnosis, evaluation after treatment, and it is useful for lymphedema to plan therapy. In case of lymphoscintigraphy of lower-extremity lymphedema, it had an effect on results if patients had not pose same position on the examination of 1 min, 1 hour and 2 hours after injection. So we'll study the methods to improve confidence with minimized quantitative analysis errors by influence factors. Materials and Methods: Being used the Infinia of GE Co. we injected $^{99m}Tc$-phytate 37 MBq (1.0 mCi) 4 sylinges into 40 people's feet hypodermically from June to August 2010 in Samsung Medical Center. After we acquired images of fixed and unfixed condition, we confirmed the count values change by attenuation of soft tissue and bone according to different feet position. And we estimated 5 times increasing 2 cm of distance between $^{99m}Tc$ point source and detector each time to check counts difference according to distance change by different feet position. Finally, we compared 1 and 6 min lymphoscintigraphy images with same position to check the effect of quantitative analysis results owing to difference of amounts of movement of the $^{99m}Tc$-phytate in the lymphatic duct. Results: Percentage difference regarding error values showed minimum 2.7% and maximum 25.8% when comparing fixed and unfixed feet position of lymphoscintigraphy examination at 1 min after injection. And count values according to distance were 173,661 (2 cm), 172,095 (4 cm), 170,996 (6 cm), 167,677 (8 cm), 169,208 counts (10 cm) which distance was increased interval of 2 cm and basal value was mean 176,587 counts, and percentage difference values were not over 2.5% such as 1.27, 1.79, 2.04, 2.42, 2.35%. Also, Assessment results about amounts of movement in lymphatic duct within 6 min until scanning after injection showed minimum 0.15%, and maximum 2.3% which were amounts of movement. We can recognize that error values represent over 20% due to only attenuation of soft tissue and bone except for distance difference (2.42%) and amounts of movement in lymphatic duct (2.3%). Conclusion: It was show that if same patients posed different feet position on the examination of 1 min, 1 hour and 2 hours after injection in the lymphoscintigraphy which is evaluating lymphatic flow of patients with lymphedema and analyzing amount of intake by lymphatic system, maximum error value represented 25.8% due to attenuation of soft tissue and bone, and PASW (Predictive Analytics Software) showed that fixed and unfixed feet position was different each other. And difference of distance between detector and feet and change of count values by difference of examination beginning time after injection influence on quantitative analysis results partially. Therefore, we'll make an effort to fix feet position and make the most of fixing board in lymphoscintigraphy with quantitative analysis.

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