• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.684-695
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• 2023

The Korean Volunteer Corps (KVC) and the Korean Independence Army (KIA) were Korea's main armed forces that led the independence movement against Japan. KVC members were partly merged into the KIA as the army's first branch in 1942. This study examines two different styles of KVC military uniforms: one that complies with the Uniforms Act of the Army of the Chinese Nationalist government and one that uses the same style without a field cap and a belt. The KIA's first branch had three different uniforms: one similar to that of the KVC, one belonging to the KIA and following the Army Uniform Protocol, and one influenced by the U.S. Army. The KVC and the KIA's first branches had insignias representing their identity. The former wore a distinctive insignia with the corps' name, whereas the latter had a cap badge with Korean national symbols under the Army Insignia Protocol. KVC members who may have initially worn their previous uniform in the early days of joining the KIA later adopted the KIA style. This study is expected to offer basic resources to reproduce KVC and KIA military uniforms and verify the authenticity of related artifacts.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.48 no.6
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• pp.1259-1270
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• 2024

The Korean Independence Army (KIA) played a crucial role in the struggle for independence from imperial Japan. Its rank insignia were essential for signifying its status as a regular military force. While previous studies have examined their regulation, the insignia served various purposes, and some have been neglected. This study conducts a comprehensive analysis of the KIA's rank insignia to clarify their forms and uses, drawing on relevant regulations, literary sources, photographs, and artifacts. The insignia used by the KIA, derived from the Army of the Chinese Nationalist Government, were identified and examined. The study found that high-ranking officers and those from the KIA's 3^rd branch wore collar insignia, and identification patches were more commonly used. The KIA established the Army Insignia Protocol independently, but discrepancies occurred between the shoulder patches designed and those worn, indicating that they were likely used by high-ranking officers during ceremonies. This study found that the 3^rd company of the KIA's 1^st branch wore unique, self-made rank insignia that differed from the others. The study provides a framework for dating KIA photographs and verifying the authenticity of military artifacts, enabling more accurate portrayals of the KIA in the media.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.31-46
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• 2021

Shin Hong-Gyun and his family have been in medicine for many generations as Korean Medical Doctors (KMDs). In 1919 when Shin Hong-Gyun was participating in an independence movement in Jang-Baek-Hyun, his younger brother Shin Dong-Gyun was killed by Japanese military police forces. This tragic incident triggered Shin Hong-Gyun to establish an army for national independence called , holding 200 young men, to serve in armed struggle against the Japanese Government with Kim Jung-Geon in May, 1920. In March 1933, Shin Hong-Gyun, as a military surgeon, led his men to the Korean Independence Army to fight a battle. Once he became a member of the Korean Independence Army, he, in fact, participated in few battles: Sadohaja, Dong-Kyung-Sung, Deajeonjayeong. Daejeonjayeong was a waypoint that the Japanese military needed to pass through in order to reach the Wangcheong area. Shin Hong-Gyun's independence forces had to endure painful starvation and heavy rain while hiding in ambush for long periods of time until the Japanese military would appear. Due to its summer rainy season, rainwater overflowed into their trenches and was filled up to the waist. Even worse, food stockpiles were low and the Japanese army did not appear for longer time. Shin Hong-Gyun's entire team suffered severe hunger and extreme cold. At this critical moment, Shin Hong-Gyun used his expertise as a KMD to find edible black mushrooms that grow wild in the mountains and use them to feed his men. This event led to the victory of the independence army at the battle of Daejeonjayeong. The purpose of the paper is to inform and highlight the forgotten history of Shin Hong-Gyun who was, both, a Korean Medical Doctor and a military surgeon.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.13-25
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• 2023

Due to Japanese imperialism's invasion of Korea and the policy of exterminating national culture, many independence activists from Korean medicine participated in the Manchurian Independence Army activities and the fight for freedom. Kang Woo-kyu, who threw a bomb at the governor-General of Korea on September 2, 1919, can be cited as a leader who learned East Asian medicine. Kim Kwanje, who organized a secret organization by opening an East Asian medicine clinic in Gimhae, Gyeongsangnam-do, was involved in the struggle of the medical corps while working as a medical student. He is accused of providing a shelter by treating members of the Uiryeoldan. In 1919, the Manchurian Independence Army unit, which launched the March 1st Movement armed struggle, was established, and those who served as military doctors in various organizations can be found. Park Se-jung, who participated as an independent soldier at the age of 47, treated wounded soldiers and patients as a military doctor. A branch office was also created by raising military funds and participating in the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. Jang Hyong was able to raise independent military funds, campaign for the provisional government's independence petition, and lecture across the country mostly disguised as an East Asian medicine doctor, which led to several imprisonments for "fraud charges under the guise of similar medical practices".

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.69-82
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• 2022

Shin Hong-gyun was born on August 20, 1881. The second son of Shin Tae-geom (申泰儉) in Sangsang-ri, Sinbukcheong-myeon, Bukcheong-gun,Hamgyeongnam-do. His family had been practicing East Asian medicine as a family business. At that time, the families of East Asian doctors who passed the general examination of the Joseon Dynasty had been continuing the East Asian medicine business from generation to generation. Starting with exile in North Gando in 1911, he was located in Wangga-dong, 17 Doo-gu, Changbaek-hyeon. In 1915, he met General Choi Un-san in Bongo-dong, treated the soldiers suffering from cellulitis, and participated in the training process to prepare for the upcoming anti-Japanese war. However, because of a growing difference of opinion with General Choi Woon-san, Shin Hong-gyun left Bono-dong after a year and mets Sorae Kim Jung-geon and joined the founding of Wonjonggyo and Daejindan, an anti-Japanese armed group. It is said that Shin Hong-gyun established many schools in Korean villages destroyed by the Gyeongshin disaster and 14 schools were established under the names of Wonjonggyo and Daejin. After the Japanese established the puppet Manchukuo in 1931, the Manchurian Defense Forces were formed. Koreans and Chinese immigrants to Manchuria worked together to carry out a joint Korean-Chinese anti-Japanese operation towards the Japanese Empire. In 1933, 50 of the Daejindan members joined the Korean Independence Army, and among them, Shin Hong-gyun began to work as a medical doctor in earnest. During an ambush in Daejeonryeong Valley, he could not get a proper meal and, to make matters worse, got wet in the rainy season, so the situation was a challenge in various ways. At this time, Shin Hong-gyun showed his knowledge of herbal medicine, picked black wood ear mushrooms that grew wild in the mountains, washed them in rain water, and provided food to the independence fighters and relieved them of hunger. After the Battle of Daejeon-ryeong, the Japanese army's suppression of the independence forces intensified, and most of the independence fighters escaped from the Chinese army's encirclement and were scattered. Ahn Tae-jin and others led the remaining units and continued the anti-Japanese armed struggle in the forest areas of Yeongan, Aekmok, Mokneung, and Milsan.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.79-104
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• 2018

Chung Ji Yong is a well-known poet in the Japanese Occupation Period firstly as a lyrical and traditional poet as a member of the literary journal Simunhak(Poetry Literature) along with Park Yong Chul and Kim Young Rang and later as a prominent modernist poet in the late years of the Period. He is always highly estimated as a poet of pictorial images and lyricism, but his ardor for translations, especially Walt Whitman has been neglected so far. Before him, Ju Yohan, Yi Kwang Soo, Yi Un Sang, Kim Hyung Won and many other poets and critics had been interested in Whitman's democratic ideas and his poems. Chung Ji Young also translated Whitman's three poems in the hard days of 1930s. After the Imperial Japan surrendered to the Allied forces on 15 August 1945, ending 35 years of Japanese occupation, Korea was under the American forces and Russian troops. In this critical days of Korean's debating only one korea or separated Koreas, strangely enough, Chung ji Yong fully immersed in translating Whitman's poems only for four years as an English literature professor just before being abducted by North Korean Army, while almost discarding his own poetic ability and sense of duty as a leading poet in the literary circle with only just a few exceptions. Why did Chung Ji Yong focused on the translation of Whitman's poems in this important period as a poet and intellectual in the newly independent country? He may want to warn people too much ideological conflicts or at least express his frustration through translating Whitman's poems. Until now, academic endeavors on Chung Ji Yong's poems and life are focused on his lyrical and modernistic works of the Japanese Occupation Period and naturally little interested in the days of Independence period and his true motivations on translating Whitman's poems. As a proposal, this short article can be a minor trigger for the sincere efforts of Chung Ji Yong's last days.

• Journal of forensic and investigative science
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.52-80
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• 2007

In the rapidly changing current society, the Korean National Police(KNP) is facing a lot of demands from the citizens like the protection of subject/victim rights, independence of investigation authority, disclosure of actual truth, and prevention & eradication of crimes. It is widely recognized among the Korean people and the police that the KNP is always standing for the rights of the people and it is high time that the KNP should be restored as the pioneer for the protection of human right. In this situation, the tremendous emphasis is given on the importance of investment in investigative training through the long-term master-plan in order to renovate its constitution, to level up its quality, and to cope with the highly sophisticated crime patterns. Korean police have already shown its outstanding investigative skills of identification of the deceased throughout large cases like Daegu subway arson and tsunami in Southeast Asia. In addition, the skills of cyber crime investigation are highly recognized by foreign law enforcement agencies. However, the investigative skills and abilities are being degraded and the morale of the investigative personnel are falling due to the insufficiently of the finite training budget. Lack of financial support results in the lack of training program and poor training environment, which subsequently leads to the inefficiency of training. Additionally, no long-term budget for fostering specialized investigative agents is allotted. Considering the fact that more than 95% of crimes in Korea are being primarily investigated by the Korean police, we have to understand the importance of the police. By the tremendous investment in investigative training which can lead to the high-quality investigations, the Korean police can ultimately contribute to the protection of safety and life of its people.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.141-150
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• 2017

This paper reviewed the awareness of the military personnel as to job training executed in the Korean army and to figure out how this job training affects the military morale and organizational performance. For this study, 220 volunteers were surveyed and analyzed using the SPSS statistical package program. As a result of the analysis, the following conclusion could be drawn. First, in the result of analysis on the status of-the-job education, the educational time marked 49.5% for 2-4 hours, the education of job capability development marked 77.7% for the content of education, and the charged instructor of job training marked 56.8% for the education department. Second, in the result of an analysis of job training on military morale, the recognition level of behavioral dimension increased with increasing participants' independence, and the satisfaction with the cognitive dimension increased with increasing participants' independence, continuous learning culture, and educational level. Moreover, the emotional score increased with increasing learning culture and educational level. Third, an analysis of the influences of job training on the organizational performance showed thatthe degree of job satisfaction increased with increasing learning motive and learning culture, and the organizational commitment increased with increasing instructor's quality. Fourth, regarding the influences of military morale upon the organizational performance, the higher job satisfaction and organizational commitment increased with increasing behavioral, cognitive, and emotional dimension. Therefore, military morale improves organizational performance and is an important factor in inducing individual development.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.87-121
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• 2016

Daehoon Ham's novel 'Cheongchunbo' features a studier as the main character who majored in Russian literature and admired the culture of the Soviet Union. From his viewpoint, the novel reproduces North Korean society before and after its independence from Japan. In this regard, it shows multilayered presence related to Russian culture and Soviet Russia. Such an aspect is based on the sense of sympathy that the main character has. The sense of sympathy is originated from the main character's admiration for the exoticism of Soviet culture which was forbidden during the late Japanese occupation. After Korea's independence from Japan, Russian was replaced by English. Such change also occurred in the main character's viewpoint. He underwent a change in his integrative viewpoint on Russian and Soviet under the name of Red Army. After defecting to South Korea, he began to put Russia down as a den possessed by the devil called 'communism.' In the meantime, Russia and Soviet have been separated from each other in ideological terms. The novel 'Cheongchunbo' stresses that the decisive cause of such changes is argued over trusteeship. The main character, fascinated by the presence of exotic Soviet, predicates that Soviet is a political symbol around the national division caused by the trusteeship. His change alluded to the life path of Korean authors who translated Russian literature after independence. During the Japanese occupation, Russian literature translated into Korea was a longing for forbiddance and admiration for Russia. However, the Russia presented in Daehoon Ham's novel before and after independence implies that the romantic translation has ended.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.