• 제목/요약/키워드: Korean democracy

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Dynamism of empathy on Win Lyovarin's novel Democracy on Parallel Paths (윈 리어우와린의 소설 『평행선상의 민주주의』에 나타난 공감의 역동성)

  • Choi, Nan-Oak
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • 제21권1호
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    • pp.185-216
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    • 2011
  • This work shows dynamism of empathy which Thailand experienced while its monarchy was replaced by democracy with conflicts and harmony. In this work, two imaginary protagonists are put into the most important period in Thai history, from the political reform of the absolute monarchy in 1932 up to Black May in 1992, for 60 years. With the writer's imagination, they are actualized into the historically important situations with reality. One of them is Yeoy, a dissident and the other is a police officer, a concenter, who chases after him. In this dissertation, empathy is analyzed which the characters feel about real incidents in their country through trust and doubt, hope and anger. This research on emotional circumstance is all about figuring out the direction for harmony and coexistance. Thailand needs a powerful leader who deals with swiftly changing worldwide affairs and domestically economic matters. Even if their leader has the same destination to get to, their approach to it is different from each other. Therefore, conflicts come out and misunderstanding makes situation worse. Public sympathy among Thai is that Thailand contribute to global mutual prosperity, by which Thailand becomes a powerful and influential state in making the world harmonious and prosperous.

Cambodia in 2017: Democracy Collapsed (캄보디아 2017: 민주주의의 붕괴)

  • JEONG, Yeonsik
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • 제28권1호
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    • pp.121-144
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    • 2018
  • The year 2016 in Cambodia witnessed the collapse of Cambodian democracy. Promising results in terms of fairness the communal elections achieved were eclipsed by the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party. With press and civil society also being silenced, the ruling Cambodian People's Party expects no more challenge to its authoritarian rule. The economy continued it growth in 2017. However, serious problems embedded in its structure threaten the likelihood of sustainable development. Cambodia with solid China backing began to amp up its voice on the international stage, heading to a head-on collision with big donators including the United States.

Democracy and Confucian Philosophy of South Korea in the 21st Century - Focusing on the issue of heteronomy and autonomy - (21세기 한국의 민주주의와 유가철학 - 타율성과 자율성의 문제를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Cheol-seung
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • 제148권
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    • pp.1-27
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    • 2018
  • The 10th constitution established in 1987 serves as the theoretical foundation of democracy in South Korea in the 21st century. Respect for human rights, resistance to injustice, and equality consciousness inherent in this constitution do not conflict with the content of Confucian philosophy. This means that the spirit of the constitution of South Korea in the 21st century was formed under the influence of the idea of democracy and Confucian philosophy. However, the 10th constitution attaches importance to the idea of the 'Basic free and democratic order', which was accepted in the Yushin constitution and inherited by the military forces. The Yushin constitution was affected by liberalism that prioritizes freedom over equality rather than supporting the compatibility between freedom and equality. Therefore, policies to expand the interests of the bourgeoisie rather than public welfare or the interests of the public have been implemented frequently. In particular, during the Lee Myeong-bak and Park Geun-hye regimes, many unequal phenomena were mass-produced. Confucian philosophy in the 21st century critically sees this unequal society. Confucian philosophy thinks that a sense of relative deprivation plays a role of alienating humans and emphasizes the importance of equal relationships. In addition, this constitution emphasizes the rule of law. However, the rule of law attaches importance to positive laws when the spirit of the constitution that contains natural law is applied to reality through systems. This rejects autonomous judgments and choices while inducing reliance on heteronomy. These heteronomous laws as such are accompanied by forcibleness. The positive laws as such can degrade humans into passive beings that indiscriminately adapt themselves to frames already set instead of active beings that think freely and creatively. Confucian philosophy regards and criticizes the rule of law as a system that makes humans into a means. Confucian philosophy regards humans as moral beings instead of tools. Confucian philosophy seeks to build a healthy society through morality accomplished through conscious realization of the principles of life. Confucian philosophy regards humans as originally free beings. Therefore, human beings are autonomous beings, not heteronomous beings. According to Confucian philosophy, humans beings that can realize the morality contained in their inner side by themselves to responsibly carry out their own judgments and choices. Therefore, Confucian philosophy, which considers human beings as beings to be trusted instead of beings to be distrusted, attaches importance to the realization of human decency through edification rather than by punishment through the law. This means that human values cannot be kept by the heteronomy termed positive laws but the identity of humans can be maintained by voluntary choices and judgments. As such, the comment of Confucian philosophy on the problems of liberal democracy and positive laws contained in the 10th constitution can be helpful in essentially solving the contradictions of modern South Korean society.

Thailand in 2017: The Resurgence of "Sarit Model" and Thai-Style Democracy (2017년 타이: '싸릿모델'의 부활과 타이식 민주주의)

  • PARK, Eun-Hong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • 제28권2호
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    • pp.213-247
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    • 2018
  • Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.

Journalist Song Kun-Ho's Ideas of Korean Journalism (언론 민주화의 위기와 송건호의 언론사상)

  • Kim, Su-Jeong;Lee, Jin-Ro
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • 제60권
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    • pp.5-27
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    • 2012
  • The purpose of this study is to explore the journalist Song Kun-Ho's ideas of Korean Journalism. The journalist Song Kun-Ho was born in 1926 and passed away in 2001. He became a reporter in 1953 when he was a student at department of law of Seoul National University. He has worked for several media and resigned the executive editor at the Dong Ah Ilbo in 1975. At that time, while many reporters of the Dong Ah Ilbo struggled for the freedom of the press, he tried to protect reporters and independence of media. After his resignation of the executive editor, he wrote many columns and several books for Korean nationalism and the democracy of journalism. Instead of working for the authoritarian military regime, he chose a lonely and rough life as an intellectual journalist in action. Finally, he, as a president, established the Hankyoreh daily newspaper which was funded by tens of thousands citizens. He passed away in 2001. His ideas of Korean journalism are nationalism, democracy, and independency. These ideas are very important to restore democratic journalism which has been at risk during the Lee Myung-bak administration.

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The Modernization of Traditional Education and the Principle of Political Education Model (전통교육의 현대화와 정치교육모델의 구성 원리)

  • Sim, Seung-woo;Yoon, Young-don;Chi, Chun-Ho;Ham, Kyu-jin
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • 제54호
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    • pp.243-272
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    • 2017
  • The final purpose of this study is to construct new education model through the modernization of traditional education. Our citizenship education model is expected to facilitate the democratic personality and comprise the political education program. To achieve our research project, this paper have tried to reinterpret and categorize diverse the normative, political, ideal meaning of tradition. The modernization of traditional virtue and capability is the main source of democratical citizenship against liberal representative democracy. In this context, Our education model consists of the structure of educational system, the principle of operation and the role of subject, the method of teaching through the consilience of East and West educational philosophy and practice. According to our approach to overcome and the real problems of education, modern 'Sunbei' class model can enable to form community ethics and competence. Furthermore, our new class model will contribute to becoming a democratic citizen of student and the development of Korean democracy in the future. The order of discussion in this paper runs as follows. Firstly, we will investigate into dynamic change of the traditional value on the basis of the political perspective and seek the possibility of modern reinterpretation of traditional capability. Finally, we will complete new education model including both western value and Korean traditional value and the applicable to class teaching.

A Study on a Philosophical Foundation of Intergenerational Christian Education : The Significance of Reciprocity and Participation (세대통합 기독교교육의 철학적 토대에 관한 연구 : 호혜성과 참여를 중심으로)

  • Hyunho Shin
    • Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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    • 제73권
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    • pp.93-115
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    • 2023
  • The purpose of this study is to explore implications for intergenerational Christian education in Korean churches and families that struggle with "generational fragmentations" focusing on the conception of reciprocity and participation. For the faith community in Korea, "generational fragmentations" does not merely mean communication gaps or the disconnection between generations but also the absence of reciprocity and communal participation as a genuine intergenerational community of faith. With this phenomenon in mind, this study explores the concept of "intergenerationality" in education, focusing on reciprocity and participation. Next, this study examines the concepts of reciprocity and participation found in John Dewey's seminal works, Democracy and Education and Experience and Education based on his ideas of democracy and experience in relation to intergenerational Christian education for the Korean church and families. The present paper then attempts to find implications for intergenerational Christian education in the Korean church and family, showing the importance of an intergenerational community of faith with reciprocity and communal participation, and communal spiritual journey with children and adults.

The Research and Development for the Desirable Political Contents Model in the Korean Web-Site (정치사이트의 비교분석을 통한 바람직한 정치콘텐츠 모형개발에 관한 연구)

  • 심연수
    • Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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    • 한국콘텐츠학회 2004년도 춘계 종합학술대회 논문집
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    • pp.485-496
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    • 2004
  • Various contents in Korean political web have three aspects: knowledge, intellectual skill, affective contents. For the advanced democracy and information technology in Korean political life, it further needs to develope the desirable web contents in political area.

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A NEW TYPE OF TUBULAR SURFACE HAVING POINTWISE 1-TYPE GAUSS MAP IN EUCLIDEAN 4-SPACE 𝔼4

  • Kisi, Ilim;Ozturk, Gunay
    • Journal of the Korean Mathematical Society
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    • 제55권4호
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    • pp.923-938
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    • 2018
  • In this paper, we handle the Gauss map of a tubular surface which is constructed according to the parallel transport frame of its spine curve. We show that there is no tubular surface having harmonic Gauss map. Moreover, we give a complete classification of this kind of tubular surface having pointwise 1-type Gauss map in Euclidean 4-space ${\mathbb{E}}^4$.

Change of Meaning for the May 18 Democratic Movement from the Perspectives of the Memorial Projects Focusing on a Holy Ground for Democracy, a Cultural City and a Human Rights City (기념사업으로 본 '5·18'의 의미 변용 민주성지, 문화도시, 인권도시를 중심으로)

  • Jung, Ho-Gi
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • 제71권
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    • pp.52-74
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    • 2015
  • The May 18 Democratic Movement has been considered to be specific case of the big deviation in social memory among the events that occurred after the Korea War. Compared with other events associated with the democratization movement, the May 18 Democratic Movement is special in that can be achieved various changed meaning. In this study, primary focus will be on the background and logics to show what changed the meaning of the May 18 Democratic Movement from the perspectives of the memorial project. And to investigate influences of change of meaning on perspectives and forms of memorial projects. Recognition and forms of memorial projects on the May 18 Democratic Movement had been largely changed around 2000s. Memorial projects were the aspects that are the logics of the social movements absorbed into the logics of the institutionalization before 2000s. During this period, it was done primarily the discourse of a holy ground for democracy and sanctuarization, had characterized the nature of the struggle of memory. After 2000s, the May 18 Democratic Movement has been interpreted historical resources to create a cultural city and a human rights city. Sometimes the May 18 Democratic Movement was appropriated by local development discourse, and sometimes was adopted as the material of differentiation strategy in the city. Form of memorial projects has also been changed type of struggle of memory to type of heritage industry.

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