• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.33-57
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• 2019

After the tragic incident of the sinking of Sewol in spring 2014, Korean migrants in Britain began to hold street protests in London. These protestors condemned the Korean government for the lack of appropriate responses to the accident, and for its failure to conduct proper investigation on the issue. The small group of protestors held silent street protests every month at Trafalgar Square, despite not gaining much media coverage nor public attention. These migrants' almost three-year long protest outside their homeland is puzzling. Not only did they live in Britain for a long time to the extent that they regard the country as their second home, but they also exert scant amount of influence on the political landscape in South Korea. What can then account for these individuals' participation in activism related to their homeland politics? In this paper, we utilize the concept of 'moral identity' to explain the behaviors of Korean migrants involved in the street protests. These migrants had strong 'moral identity', which triggered a sense of responsibility to act when their cherished moral values were jeopardized. Korean migrants who possessed a strong sense of moral identity placed huge importance on living in accordance with their moral values. It is a way of upholding their self-esteem and sustaining their ideal self.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.718-734
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• 2012

This study investigates the interference of politics of regional cleavage in the redistricting for national assembly election and its effects on gerrymandering and malapportionment. Since the Constitutional Assembly election, the argument about gerrymandering and malapportionment continues and the single-member election district with simple plurality system in Korea has aggravated the problem of cleavage and unfairness. Especially, redistrictings for national assembly election in 2008 and 2012 are suspected of gerrymandering by Saenuri party and Democratic United party. Yeongnam region where Saenuri party is dominant and Honam region where Democratic United party is, are over-represented compared to population, while the districts in Gyeonggi-do are under-represented and the need for increasing the number of districts has been ignored. These redistrictings might come from unfair and collusive interference of politics of regional cleavage, and consequently malapportionment has been brought about.

• Korean Journal of Cognitive Science
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.97-123
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• 2015

This paper theoretically examines the mediations of media on disaster and the structure of the politics of compassion, from the cultural politics approaches. The media has treated for a long time many different forms of disaster and sentimental reactions that were bound to the human life. In the present paper we shall take a different approach from traditional ones that focus on how the media represents these subjects and how it arouses cognitive, affective, behavioral reactions of the audience. We will instead focus on how these subjects of disaster and compassion constitute new social meanings through the mediation of media. And we will investigate that the experiences of social sufferings mediated by media are related to the ethical potentiality vital to the construction of global public sphere and global civil society that need to be reshaped in the $21^{st}$ century media environment. This paper attempts to understand new cultural-politics meanings of the media as a major factor conducting the audience's new public actions through mediating sufferings of the others.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.1 s.112
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• pp.39-57
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• 2006

Place marketing strategy is an research or policy field of cultural politics on which various meanings, discourses and practices are deployed, contested and negotiated surrounding the development or destruction of urban cultures. So it is needed to correct and concrete understanding about the cultural significations of place marketing strategy. In that sense, this study aims to establish the concept and methodology of place marketing strategy as urban culture development strategy. At first, the theory of cultural politics of space and cultural political approach to the place marketing strategy are reviewed. And then, basic concept of place marketing strategy and the process of place marketing strategy are established. Finally, with drawing the cultual political factors(named SAUNE factors), the methodology of place marketing strategy is systematized.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.800-823
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• 2004

This paper aims at examining the ways in which foreign immigrant workers in South Korea have been "forgotten" and "marginalized" in the regulatory politics of globalization and how the politics of "forgetting" has influenced the formation of immigrant local communities in South Korea. More specifically, by focusing on the immigrant community in Wongok dong, Ansan, it explores the forming questions. First, under what conditions has Wongok' dong become one of the biggest communities for foreign workers in South Korea? Second, how has the growth of the Wongok-dong immigrant community been influenced by the politics of "exclusion", and "inclusion" taking place at various geographical scales? Based on this case study, this paper suggests that the practices of "exclusion" and "forgetting" should not be seen as an inevitable outcome of globalization; instead, they need to be seen as an outcome of political processes, in which the practices of "exclusion" and "inclusion" are intertwined with one another through interactions and negotiations among different interests and ideas that take place in the multi-scalar regulatory processes, which contribute to the (material and discursive) construction of globalization.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.309-334
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• 2010

This study explores gender mechanism of welfare politics in Korea from the perspective of welfare status theory. In the simplistic analysis, it is found that there is no gender difference in welfare attitudes. In the more sophisticated analysis of welfare-status-beased SEM, however, it is found that Korean welfare politics is to be understood in terms of gender-related politics. Three major findings of this study are as follows. Firstly, Korean women possess less pro-welfare attitudes in terms of the status of welfare beneficiary. This is due to the visible gender segregation in the Korean labor market on the one hand and due to the centrality of social insurance programs in the structure of Korean public welfare system on the other hand. Secondly, Korean women have relatively higher level of pro-welfare attitude when it comes to the status of welfare service provider. Thirdly, Korean women tend to be more supportive to pro-welfare parties as they have less chance to be a higher taxpayer. Based on the above mentioned findings, this study concludes that it is possible to make Korean women be more pro-welfare if the Korean welfare state expands more social services that tend to meet urgent needs of women.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.41-76
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• 1986

The northeastern Pacific and eastern Bering Sea supports large and divers finfish and shellfish compelxes. The North Pacific fishing grounds are largest fish production total 30.89 percent of the world in 1983. Recent action by the around countries extending their fisheies jurisdiction to 200 mile has provided a new environment. The new approch to fisheries management has resulted in an arormous expansion in tile demand for scientific information. These are no longer limited to biological concerns. Emphasis has been focused recently on the need to understand the economic, social, politics and philosophy characteristics of a fishing and how they will be affected by management decisions. The horizontal management and portfolio management for fisheries has increased interest in complex biological models and the coupling of these models with economic, politics and phyisophy components. Successful completion of this task will require and expanded understanding of oceanographic, biological, economic, social, politics and philosophic process associated with fisheries. Particular attention should be devoted to acquiring information an data processing for Korean trawl fishery, stock assessment in the areas. The need for international collaboration in management must be stressed. Some northeast Pacific and eastern Bering Sea fish stock migrate over long distances and political boundaries. Further, nearly all the fish stocks are harvested by several nations. The features require cooperation and coordination of research activities. The horizontal management will be made a way these activities for the around countries in the sea. Strongly, tile proposed again, Pacific International Council for Exploration of the Seas, PICES will interest between all users of the area's fisheries.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.147-179
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• 2018

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Jakarta's Ex-Governor, lost his re-election bid in 2017 and then was jailed on a charge of blasphemy. After his defeat, the rhetorics of Indonesian politics was divided into two opposing sides: anti-Communism and 'pribumi' of the radical Islamic movements and Pancasila of the Jokowi administration. Although Islamic political parties are now preoccupied with their own coalitional politics and survivals, rather than solidarity of Islamic forces, the rising Islamic sentiments confirmed by the Jakarta election indicate that religion will continue to be a key variable in Indonesian politics. Meanwhile, ex-military generals who declared themselves as candidates in the 2018 regional election and the 2019 presidential election, as well as a few measures used by the Jokowi administration against extra-parliamentary political opponents, remind us of Suharto's New Order. Steady growth continues in economy. The raise of minimum wage enlarged middle classes and led to a decline of the poverty rate. Jokowi's commitment to building infrastructure has made tangible achievements. Under these circumstances, enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea is laudable, though any such cooperation must fully incorporate local sociocultural contexts, such as the strengthened halal certification system.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.69-106
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• 2021

This paper aims to explain why severe political conflicts and confrontation between the ruling and opposition forces have been continuously caused, focusing on the institutional combination of presidentialism and the two-party system with strong party disciplines, after democratization in South Korea. And this also presents the US as a case in which presidentialism and a two-party system with weak party disciplines were combined once, and the Chile as another case in which presidentialism and a multi-party system with strong party disciplines is combined, respectively, and further analyzes how the chance of consensual politics could be raised in both the countries. In addition, this study suggests a practical implication that, in South Korea also, the political reforms for changes in party system such as the decentralization or democratization in party organizations to enhance the autonomy of individual legislators, or the introduction of runoff system in presidential elections or proportional representation system in parliamentary elections to product a multi-party system, are required for a high chance of consensual politics.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).