• The Journal of Internal Korean Medicine
• /
• v.16 no.1
• /
• pp.17-32
• /
• 1995

The purpose of this is to understand the concept of Sacho on the basis of 'Sa-Sang philosophy(四象哲學)'. In oder to achieve this purpose, Sanjiao and Sacho were investigated, centering on the philophicalbasis, region. action. The conclusion would be summerized as follows. 1. Viewed in the light of a philosophical basis, Sanjiao is first recorded in Nae-Kyung(內經), a concept that Yin-Yang(陰陽), Oh-Hang(五行) in Nae-Kyung Medcine, the cosmos's order and it's moving rule could be directly applied to human body. On the contrary Sacho is a term first used by Lee Jae-Ma, a human-oriented concept that formed in Confucianism system. based on Sa-Sang type classifying in Sa-Sang Medicine. 2. Viewd in the light of a region, the upper part of Sacho is similar to the upper-jiao of Sanjiao, the mid-upper part of Sacha to the middle-jiao of Sanjiao, the mid-lower and the lower parts of Sacha to the lower-jiao of Sanjiao. But these regions are not equal to anatomical regions. Sanjiao and Sacha is similar concept from the view point of the upper and lower oder, but Sanjiao has only a concept of the upper and lower order, doesn't have a concept of the front and the rear, inside and outside. 3. Viewed in the light of a action, Sanjiao and Sacho is a similar concept from the view point of a large boundary in the life activity.Sanjiao explains the region of human body, setting imfortance on the viscera physiology, on the contrary Sacho explains the whole function of human body including one's heart's desire, physical constitution and the visceral physiolosy. 4. Viewed in the light of produsing-wasting activity. sanjiao and Sacho have both produsing action and wasting action. but Sacho has a more concrete concept of produsing action by using a term-Sa Hae(四海) 5. Viewed in the light of vital energy(氣)'s action, Sajiao give the first consideration to the rising and falling action of vital energy, on the contrary Sacho give the first consideration to the transversal circulation of vital energy and the deviation of it in each part. According to the above results, Sacho must be discussed separately from Sanjiao, it is recommended that further study is necessary to understand the concept of Sacho on the basis of Sa-Sang philosophy.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.3 no.2 s.6
• /
• pp.47-66
• /
• 1994

Chosun dynasty had accepted the Confucianism as a means of governing whole society and in its practical aspect ${\ulcorner}$Garye${\lrcorner}$ and the ceremonies of family ritual regarded as important. As a result, after mid-Chosun dynasty family ritual was begun to popularized on a national scale, and the socio-culture system which was interrelated with it changed into confucian ones. These fill-scaled change, on the other hand, resulted into the change of spatial use and plan type of yangban houses. In this aspect, this study intends to clarify the influence of family ritual on spatial use of yangban houses through the comparison between ideal pattern and behavioral one of family ritual. And this study made Gwanhonrye except Sangjerye an object because these two ceremonies were peformed in sucession in those day's behavior. The research setting is the Korean traditional society prior to modernization. The collected materials are based on ethnographic information as well as personal documents, public records, field works and the books on family ritual. The methodology for the present study is primarily based on the comparison study between available documents and field work. Especially, as the books on family ritual include some explanatory diagrams of the ideal pattern, these diagrams are compared with another ones made by the author of the behavioral pattern. The major findings are as follows. Firstly, in the aspect of Gwanhonrye's process, the ideal pattern is similar to the behavioral one. But even the essential course of the ideal pattern of Honrye is 'chinyoung', it has never been accepcted in Chosun dynasty on account of 'seoryubuga'. Secondly, even though the names of the performing space of family ritual are different each pattern, the methods of spatial use in processing these two ceremonies are similar. In other words, according to the books on family ritual the major performing spaces of Gwanhonrye are 'chungsa' and 'jungchim', but in practical process of both ceremonies 'sarangchae' and 'anche' are used. Lastly, as family ritual like Gwanrye and Honrye had been practiced at yangban houses after mid-Chosun dynasty as mentioned above, the spatial arrangement had to be changed to a certain extent.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
• /
• v.4 no.2
• /
• pp.1-19
• /
• 2009

American Psychiatric Association defined hwa-byung as a unique mental illness of Korea, a kind of anger syndrome. This illness caused by the Korean culture is more often found on women than men, especially middle-aged women. The cause of hwa-byung mainly depends on the traditional family structure of Korea formed by Confucianism. Other causes that many middle-aged women suffer from hwa-byung are that their low education level originated in their wrong-recognized position in society and poverty in the past makes them not to be able to control their minds effectively(social psychological factor), and that they get stressed and depressed because of loss of their position in the family after their children leave home and the menopause which hurts their feminine beauty (physiological factor). So, this program aims at letting them to; 1) experience catharsis of the negative feelings which causes hwa-byung by expressing in psychodrama, 2) ease the symptoms of hwa-byung by relaxing their mind, 3) understand themselves through sharing their feelings and thinking at the group level, 4) acquire the opportunities to stabilize and expand their role in their real lives through the role playing.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.13
• /
• pp.51-72
• /
• 1989

In this thesis, I examined the mental, philosophical aspects and the aesthetic sense of our ancestors through the study of the patterns pictured in the mural paintings of Koguryo dynasty's old tomb. To view the mode of construction in Koguryo dynasty from present angle, the detailed analysis of the patterns was done. As a result, I could fully understand the formative consciousness of our nation. 1. I defined the process of transition of the mural paintings by putting some 70 mural aintings into the form of a diagram. 2. The cultural aspects of the mural paintings in Koguryo dynasty were characterized by the fusion of our primitive religion and Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism which were introduced from China. From this fact, I could inferred that Koguryo people were giving off the strong desire for the faith by means of the mural paintings. Further more I found that configuration of the patterns such as religious elements. 3. The types of the patterns were classified into four types, this is, geometric type, natural type, cultural type and abstract type, Among these types, geometric type and natural type were nonsymbolic in nature but became cultured and abstracted in course of time. cultural pattern and abstract pattern got the symbolic meaning in the long run. Of all the constitution of the patterns represented in the mural paintings such as repeat constitution, left and right symmetric constitution, top and bottom symmetric constitution and rotary symmetric constitution, the left and right symmetric constitution was mainly used and some monotony of left and right symmetric constitution. The analysis of motif which was got from the mode of the patterns showed that the mixing of symbolic and nonsymbolic patterns made it possible to regard the separate symbol as compound in nonsymbolic patterns and the combination between nonsymbolic patterns ensured the understanding of other patterns in certain cases. Our ancestors made great efforts to transmit certain meaning symbolically. Also to heighten the symbolism, they drew the meangless patterns firstly and then appended meaning to those patterns secondly. Furthermore, they offered the background to the patterns comblined with symbolism, so that meaning transmission was clarified at last. As mentioned above, the patterns shown in the mural paintings of Koguryo dynasty's old tomb were characterized by natural beauty. And natural beauty was found out clearly in the form and constitution of the patterns. Therefore I concluded that our nation's religious, philosophical tradition was acted on the patterns strongly.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.7 no.4
• /
• pp.48-64
• /
• 2001

In the dissertation, Bibos are discussed as landscape features in the geographical context of Youngnam Region. The bibo tradition in Youngnam Region began with the incorporation of temple structures in Shilla and Kaya kingdoms, and spread throughout the country during the period of Unified Shilla. In Korea Dynasty, the diffusion of temple Bibo gained momentum, because Buddhism was worshipped as national religion. Then came a sea change in the Bibo repertoire with the replacement of Buddhism by Confucianism as an ideological prop for Chason Korea. The retreat of Buddhism led to the popularization of feng-shui motifs in Bibo strategy. The centers of the diffusion of the logic of bibo were major towns such as Kyongju, Ahndong, Sangju, and Chinju. The diffusion process continued top-down to mid-sized towns, and to the bottom of small villages. What sustained the hierarchical diffusion of Bibo attributes was myriad of transportation lines. The main artery of the diffusion in Korea Dynasty was that connecting Kaegyong to Kyongju. That same function was performed by the royal road running from Seoul through Sangju, Milyang, and to Tongrae. In the age of modernization, the feng-shui and Bibo landscapes have lost their original aura. They have suffered from the ruthless attacks of the Enlightenment logic of science. However, the elan vital of feng-shui and Bibo are still visible and strongly felt in the countryside. From field experiences, one can notice that the Bibo landscapes are tightly integrated into the rural way of life. The durability of the traditional geomancy shows us the beauty of the harmonious interplay between Youngnam people and the nature.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.38 no.1
• /
• pp.107-118
• /
• 2010

Palaces of a country can be representative aggregate of the culture and arts of the country. Palaces were used not only as a living place to protect kings and royal families and to live cultural lives, but also a political place to govern the country. Kings in Choseon founded the country on the Sung Confucianism, their philosophical background. They built Bangji and Wondo as constant reminders of their philosophy. Bangji is the most apparent characteristic in the palace gardens of the Choseon Dynasty. Finding out the original form of Jidang, restoring the original and passing it on to future generations can be passing on the spiritual culture of our ancestors. This study is done to find out or locate well preserved Jidang, transformed Jidang and lost Jidang in Changdeokgung, which is the best conserved palace of Choseon. This study is composed of Jidang which has been kept in its original state, transformed Jidang, locating lost Jidang and Jidnang which has been unearthed. The total number of Donggwoldo's Jidangs is 17; those that are kept in their original state, 4; transformed Jidangs, 5; Jidangs that were lost and have been located, 8; and newly appeared Jidangs, 2. From the results, opinions on restoration are presented. This study can be a small drop in the thin stream of tradition passing onto future generations in this world where knowledge and information are transported momentarily and the classification of culture and border is mixed, yielding vagueness.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
• /
• v.17 no.2
• /
• pp.1-15
• /
• 2011

In the latter half of the Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty, the medical world was encountering a great change. It is said that a large stream between the first half and the latter half of the Joseon Dynasty was a qualitative transition from official relationships to private relationships, that is, from adjustments by governmental power to contractual relationships between individuals. Doctors who can be said to be the core of the medical world became to be left in severer competition. The fact that the number of people engaged in medical practice increased to the extent that doctors had to compete with each other implies that not only demand for medical care was increasing but also that medical care was becoming social service that must be shared by all people in the Joseon Dynasty rather than by small numbers of men of power. Anyway, it seems like that, in the competition that was becoming fiercer, they tried to establish their authority in diverse methods unlike before. As an authority to determine the social positions of doctors in the latter half of the Joseon Dynasty, the government was still occupying an important position, but doctors tried to show off their medical techniques utilizing excellent teachers or books. Meanwhile, they were making efforts to improve treating skills and thereby they were contributing to the development of medical techniques although they were sometimes criticised because of radical treatment or fierce drugs. In this process, it seems like that some doctors made efforts to establish the social meaning of medicine and their identity. In the short dialogue with Hong Yangho(洪良浩), Cho Gwangil(趙光一) was presenting the image of doctors as active and subjective beings. Pointing out the fact that in the society where feudal position systems were still impregnable, even the Confucian scholars who could be considered as a leading group could not but be passive in front of the sovereign power, he emphasized the fact that doctors could practice treatment as they liked. In that he re-discovered the meaning of treating people's diseases as a professional intellectual and that he was forming a subjective sense that medical techniques are active self expression, it can be carefully said that Cho Gwangil was obtaining his identity as a doctor. In the society in the Joseon Dynasty where the position systems were still valid and the value system under Neo-confucianism(性理學) supporting the system was impregnable, this change can be thought to be small yet quite meaningful.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
• /
• v.11 no.5
• /
• pp.699-710
• /
• 1996

The sacrificial foods using at 88 villages in Andong area where the village sacrificial rituals are performed, were investigated in 1994. The finding are as follows; 1. Since the village sacrificial rituals keep ancientry, white Baeksulki without any ingredients is used as Ddock (a steamed rice cake) in 74 villages, and in 5 villages the Baeksulki was served just in Siru (a tool used to prepare Ddock). The type of meat serving in rituals has been changing from large animal to small animal and the type of light from bowl-light to candle. 2. Though the ritual observes Confucianism style, memorial address was offered in 34 villages and only in 8 villages, liquor was served 3 times and the address was offered. In 60 villages, liquor was served only once, and calling village god, bowing twice, and burning memorial address paper were performed in order. Burning paper has been meaningful in rituals. 3. Tang (a stew) was served in 21 villages, and in 18 villages even Gook (a soup) was not used. The numbers of village which do not use cooked rice and Ddock are 14, respectively. 4. Fruits are essential in rituals foods. In 63 villages, 3 kinds of fruits are served and this is contrasted with even number of fruits in Bul-Chun-Wi Rituals. 5. In 25 villages, fish and meat are not served. As meat, chicken in 19 village are served. Meat Sikhae (a fermented rice beverage) prepared with meats or fish are served in 5 villages. Slice of dried meat is served in 73 villages commonly. 6. In gender of god for village shrine, woman in 43 villages, couple in 17 villages, man in 9 villages, mountain god in 2 villages, villages tree, etc were enshrined. In 52 villages liquor is served in rituals (liquor is used in 58 villages including serving god), in 28 villages sweet liquor (Gamju) is served for god (sweet liquor is used in 46 villages), and liquor, water, or sweet liquor is just displayed on table but not served in 8 villages. Incensing is found to be not common in village ritual, only in two villages it is performed. The most appropriate rituals food is thought to be pig for mountain god. Home dishes can not be used in village ritual and spoon is not used and chopstick is prepared from wild plant. Meat and fish are used in the raw.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.146
• /
• pp.245-270
• /
• 2018

In this paper I study the theoretical characteristic of 'Tao' based on Confucianism. Tao, the most widely used keyword in the history of East Asian philosophy, has amassed ever-greater variety of meaning as time has passed and schools divided into more subdivided schools. Among the many attributes of Tao, the most important thing I think is that Tao has a dual structure between 'Tao' and 'Way'. Somewhere to be reached is called 'Tao', and the pathway that leads to the destination is called 'Way'. In other words, 'Tao' is existence itself, and 'Way' is type of existence. 'Tao' can be goal, and 'Way' can be process. 'Tao' has originality, continuance, and honesty as its own traits, while 'Way' has humanity, practice, and dailiness as its traits. After all, in a broad sense, Tao has a dual structure between the existence and the type of existence; 'Tao' and 'Way'. Many philosophers in Western society have also paid attention to this Tao trait. Among them, Heidegger gave his opinion that is closest to the East Asians. I want to explain why the human beings are the existence on the pathway through this paper. The existence(Tao) and the type of existence(Way) cannot be separated. So, there cannot be existence without type, and type of non-existence is useless. From this point of view, 'Tao' can be both existence and type of existence.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.142
• /
• pp.265-294
• /
• 2017

In the early days of human history, the governing groups of rulers needed to justify their rule. The cause of rule became the ruling ideology. In China, the backbone of the ruling ideology was originally referred to as 'Di(帝)' or 'Shangdi(上帝)', who was later replaced by 'Tian(天)', Heaven. So there was a claim that Heaven gave the cause of the rule. This idea is the 'Tianming (天命)' idea. When the Zhou(周) Dynasty took control of the central government, the 'Tianming' idea had had a relatively sophisticated form. It was the 'Zhouli(周禮)' that organized the systematic order of the Zhou Dynasty. After this system collapsed, those who recognized 'Zhouli' as a desirable social system considered the collapse of 'Zhouli' as a situation of turbulent age. It was Qin(秦) State that unified all of the states of the period. However, after the unification, the Qin Dynasty fell sharply. The next dynasty was the Han(漢) Dynasty. The new ruling powers of the Han Dynasty needed to justify their regime. That means that it was necessary to establish the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty. The representative of the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty was Dongzhongshu, whose thought was based on Confucianism. His thought was related to "Chunqiugongyangzhuan(春秋公羊傳)", an interpretation of "Chunqiu(春秋)". This interpretation perspective is based on the idea of religious Heaven. Dongzhongshu thought that there were co-communions between Heaven and humans. His thought has the meaning of political theology in which rulers hold the basis of the rulers' sovereignty.