This paper intends to clarify the characteristics of Seoul Ginoguigut in ritual form. This paper points out three characteristics; materialization of the journey to the world of the dead, direct communications with the dead, inclusive blessings for the dead and the living. Firstly, the journey to the world of the dead is materialized through various ritual processes of Seoul Ginoguigut. This characteristic is prominent in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of shamanism in other regions of Korea. Secondly, in Seoul Ginoguigut the communications of the dead and the living are made through direct dialogues between them through shaman's possession. The communications by direct dialogues between the dead and the living make it easy to accept death as a real fact, and have an effect of recognizing the individuality and uniqueness of each death. Thirdly, the blessings of Seoul Ginoguigut are so inclusive that they cover the dead's safe journey toward the world of the dead as well as the happiness of the living. This characteristic is related to the understanding of death of Korean shamanism that does not separate death and living. These three characteristics are perceived in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of Seoul Ginoguigut. And they give a clue to understand how the death rituals of Korean shamanism have persisted in Korean society.
In this article, I researched Nam Dae-nyeon's(1887~1958) thought of Neo-confucian theories, interpretation of confucian canons, and evaluation of historical figures. First, from the side of Neo-confucian theories, he asserted that Qi(氣) had behaviors and Li(理) had not. About his teacher Jeon Wu's(田愚) theories, he thought that those were in tradition of Confucius(孔子) and Mencius(孟子), but not emphasized presidence of mind. And he criticized the theory of mind was Li(理). Second, from the side of interpretation of Confucian canons, Nam Dae-nyeon's study centered on Four Books(四書). This showed he was in tradition of Neo-confucianism. Through this studies he emphasized the importance of Confucian Ren(仁) and Filial piety(孝), self-consciousness as gentry(士). Third, from the side of evaluation of historical figures, Nam Dae-nyeon evaluated many Chinese and Korean scholars, for example, Qu Yuan(屈原), Lu Zhong-lian(魯仲連), Zhen De-xiu(眞德秀), Lu Long-qi((陸?其), Zhang Lu-xiang (張履祥) of China, and Jeong Mong-ju(鄭夢周), Zho Kwang-jo(趙光祖), Yi Hwang(李滉), Yi Yi(李珥), Jeon Wu(田愚) of Korea. And his criteria for evaluation of historical figures was fidelity and insight.
Jeong Yak-yong attempted to establish a new philosophical system through the criticism on Neo-Confucianism. The most important area among the ideas of Dasan is on the ethical thoughts. He has a tremendous interest in the ethical education as well as ethical thought. During his exile, he gathered children around and educated them by editing "Jegyeong(弟經)". Dasan regarded "Sohak(小學)" to have some problems in educating children. Thus, he reconstructed the contents of "Sohak" and edited "Jegyeong". "Jegyeong" is more concise than Sohak and is a textbook focusing on children which is mainly composed of practical etiquette in the everyday life. It contains etiquettes to parents, teachers and adults, etiquettes on food in the everyday life and etiquettes between men and women. Although the contents does not exceed the scope of Sohak, he selected reasonable contents and composed with practical contents. Thus, it is practical. Dasan also attempted to make a novel interpretation on Saseo (四書), i.e., Noneo, Maengja, Daehak and Jungyong. His new interpretation on Saseo can be considered as ethical textbooks in a broad sense. Dasan considered the key ethical principle of Saseo (四書) to be Seo (恕). Accordingly, he thought it is very important to understand and practice ethical principle of Seo (恕). Dasan studied and annotated "Simgyeong(心經)" and "Sohak(小學)" for self moral discipline. And, he thought it is utmost important to understand and accept the existence of Sangje (上帝) in order to keep moral mind. He believed it to be important to have Gyesingonggu (戒愼恐懼), which is to aware and respect the existence of Sangje (god) for self discipline and Sindok (愼獨) to be cautious about things that only he was aware of. He thought that if people are aware of Sangje (上帝) and make dialog with Sangje, the will of Sangje could be expressed into Dosim (道心). In the ethical education, it can be said that, ultimately, the awareness on the absolute being is the most important point to Dasan.
This study was to review the features of the preventive dimension in connection with adolescent deviation on the basis of the morality and ethics held by Confucian doctrine. To find solutions to the problems of adolescent deviation is never easy. As adolescent deviation always does occur, it is important to consider the methods that can minimize and prevent it. The traditional society of Korea laid weight on the education and training in the aspect of preventive measure against such adolescent deviation by emphasizing moral edification and realization of spiritual understanding for it. In this paper, the researcher tried to understand the problem situations by examining the image of such deviation and its type as well as the method on response thereto targeting the young generation of Korea. In addition, the researcher analyzed how the adolescent was recognized in the traditional society that was established on the Confucian values, and moral standards that applied to them, and the process of education as well. Through the moral concepts of Confucianism that were revealed in the Doctrine of the Mean (中庸, pronounced 'Jungyong' in Korean) in particular, the researcher sought the possibility of education on morality and ethics that will be able to prevent adolescent deviation. This study suggests that the morality and ethics held by Confucian doctrine can prevent adolescent deviation and open a new horizon of ethics education.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.52
no.4
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pp.120-136
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2024
Yeong-dae(靈臺), Yeong-yu(靈囿), and Yeong-so(靈沼) - so-called 'Yeong-dae Garden' – appear in the poem 'Dae-ah(大雅)․Yeong-dae(靈臺)' in Shijing(詩經) which is considered the record of the earliest garden in East Asia, in the chapter 'Yanghyewang(梁惠王)' of Mencius(孟子). Focusing on those records, this research clarifies their characteristics and discusses the aspects related to garden practices in the Joseon Dynasty. The Yeong-dae Garden is the garden of King Wen of the Zhou Dynasty, who is considered a sage of Confucianism. It is considered to be the first imperial garden in China, and the basic form of all gardens consists of mountains and water. The characteristics of Yeong-dae Garden can be specified through the texts of Shijing and Mencius, the comments written by Zhu Xi and others, and later literature, such as Sambohwangdo. The characteristics of Yeong-dae Garden are as follows: In terms of form, the three spatial elements corresponding to raised ground, a wide area for raising animals, and a pond with fish form a simple arrangement; in terms of function, it combines observation and rest; and in terms of symbolism, it signifies the companionship of the public sentiment and the leader's sincerity. In literature from the Joseon Dynasty, Yeong-dae Garden mainly appear in historical materials related to the King, and its meaning shows an aspect of differentiation into two functions: an observatory for astronomical observation and a garden for rest and appreciation. For the intellectuals of Joseon who sought to restore an ancient ideal state like the Zhou Dynasty through Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucianism, the Yeong-dae Garden served as a control device to warn against royal garden's practices and a symbolic mechanism to expand its meaning of existence to good politics.
Kang, Kee-Rae;Lee, Hae-Ju;Lee, Hyun-Chae;Kim, Hee-Chae;Kim, Dong-Phil;Ha, Seung Kun
Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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v.35
no.3
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pp.32-40
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2017
The introduction of neo-Confucianism as the ideological foundation of Joseon, and its root Confucianism have become the origin of the life, scholarship and ideology of the Korean people. Additionally, it was considered the best to follow the teachings of the discipline's advocates including Confucius (孔子), Mencius (孟子), Zisi (子思), ZhuXi (朱子). Among these teachers, ZhuXi was the one who overtly presented the way of self-discipline, of which goal lies in attaining the character by the manifestation of vitality (氣 ki) and rationality (理 i) and contemplating on them. As he regarded natural places with mountains and waters as stages and tools for practicing toward the enlightenment, Confucian scholars in Joseon also followed his example in the spirit of honoring and studying ZhuXi (尊朱子, 學朱子), which became the basic thoughts and practical philosophy among them. Ryu, Junggyo, the neo-Confucian dogmatist, was no exception to applaud the nature, as he designated and ruled Okgye Gugok. On the basis of these backgrounds, this study aims to estimate the geographic places of Okgye Gugok, which was set by Ryu, Junggyo, a Confucian scholar in late-Joseon period, by collecting and analyzing the basic data, starting from Gareung-gun Okgye Sansugi(嘉陵郡玉溪山水記) which is the primary text authored by Seongjae Ryu, Junggyo. The literature study is followed by ten field trips to the estimated locations of Okgye Gugok, and verification of the estimations by three locals who were born and raised in Okgye Gugok. Coordinates and photographs were obtained as spatial data for each location of nine Gok(曲) estimated through this study. They will serve as a primary and critical data for story-telling and tourism resource in Okgye Gugok. The significance of this study is that it provides the primary data for designating the locations of Gok(曲) in Okgyeo Gugok.
Until now, the studies researching the Taoism theories of Joseon Dynasty have mainly dealt around the latter half of Joseon Dynasty. The reason for that was because the 5 cribs of a book Lao Tzu and the 2 crib of a book Changzi were produced after the Imjin-Year Korean-Japanese War(壬辰倭亂,Imjin Waeran). Therefore this thesis extracted the mentions about Taoism from about 200-year history records from Jeong Do-Jeon's Theory, which was the theoretical foundation for early days of Joseon's foundation and the history book King Taejong's Annals(太宗實錄) contained in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實 錄) and analyzed the extracted historic data as the first work contemplating how the Taoism theories were developed during the first half of Joseon Dynasty. From the analysis, this study drew out the findings as follows. Jeong Do-Jeon and Gwon Geun sharply criticized the Taoism for that it pursued for the techniques of longevity for oneself without moral. They tried to establish the identity of neo-Confucianism on the foundation criticizing the Taoism and the Buddhism. Since then, the Taoism was transformed through the 3 stages in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty. The first stage was the stage transformed 'Lao Tzu' as the witchcraft master of long-live, the technique of the taoist hermit and the super god in Taoism, and regarded the Taoism as heresy and excluded the Taoism. Second stage was the stage trying to see the book Lao Tzu as the core of Taoism theory separately from the 'Hermit Witchcraft' and the 'Taoist gods' the target of fortune-pursue religion beyond from the primary discussion of exclusion. Third stage was revealed as the respects on the art of politics and the art of living described in the book Lao Tzu. That is, the Taoism theories in the first half of Joseon Dynasty was developed with various spectrums from the early days of Joseon's foundation to 15~16 centuries beyond Joseon's strong suppression against the Taoism and the Buddhism in early days. That is the point that the Taoism in the first half of Joseon Dynasty can't be simply interpreted in the neo-Confucianism. During the firs half of Joseon Dynasty, the warm attitude toward the Taoism was created differently from the attitude against suppressing it as a cult, which had been created in the early days of Josen's foundation, and there appeared the changes accepting the art of living and the art of politics theoretically integrating with the Confucianism theories. That is, the book 'Lao Tus' became accepted as the Confucian country's arts of living and politics from a cult book pursuing for immoral log and immortal life. Such acception is revealed as the appearance actively interpreting the books about Laoism in the latter half o Joseon Dynasty.
Neo-Confucianism(性理學) which provided an ideological base to found Chosun Dynasty which substituted for Koryu Dynasty, presented In-Cheong(仁政) as ideal statecraft. In-Cheong(仁政) is realizing spirit of In(仁) which means a forever creating power(生生之心), for that reason it was a natural result that the ruling class of Chosun Dynasty had interest in medical science. Therefore they remarked 'In-Cheong(仁政) has achieved' when medical books were published, also remarked Hwal-In-Seo(活人署) as an institute of realizing Wang-Cheong(王政) while Hwal-In-Seo(活人署) was placed in very low civil service grade, although the ruling class classified medical science as a Chap-Hak(雜學) which means not essential but necessary knowledge, and ranked it much lower than Confucianism. While had improved medical service system of Korea Dynasty, Chosun Dynasty had special interest in local medicine: expanding provincal medical centers, educating a medical student(醫生) in a medical school who was core human power in local medicine, etc. Nevertheless the local medicine was still depressed. The reasons are ; not providing enough medical center, not much fund to run each center and mobilizing a medical student(醫生) for miscellaneous labor. Depressed local medicine had changed when 士族 came to have an interest in medical science. 士族 had read a lots of medical books from the early Chosun Dynasty. 16th century they even wrote some books on medicine by themselves based on their experience as a provincial governor. On the other hand Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) who wrote Muk-Jae Diary belongs to the latter. He did not use the art of acupucture. He was a civil official in Seoul, so he could get a lots of books and enough medical stuffs. After a while. he was exiled in Seong-Ju(星州) and took part in local medicine there. The local medicine was depressed in Seong-Ju(星州) at that time. Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) was a kind of medical consultant as well as a local doctor. Such medical doings by Sa-Jok(士族) may be a moment that provide power to local Sa-Jok(士族). Sa-Jok(士族) themselves were enthusiastic in treating their sick slaves because the slaves were financial foundation of Sa-Jok(士族). After 17th century, however, the relative importance which Sa-Jok(士族) in the country had held in 16th century had decreased gradually while professional doctors bad increased.
The major purpose of this article is to analyze Lee Jema's idea of 'cultivating the self,' and therefore reveal a difference between his idea and 'cultivating and nurturing (the mind)' shown in traditional medicine and Neo-Confucianism. For this purpose, I first analyzed 'cultivating and nurturing (the mind)' of traditional medicine and Neo-Confucianism and showed Lee Jema's originality by studying philosophical foundations of Sasang constitutional Medicine. The idea of 'cultivating and nurturing (the mind)' is transcendental in that it pursues the unity between humans and the principle of natural changes or the Heaven. However, Lee Jema developed his own medical theory by analyzing an ontological structure of human beings and nature and life, and reinterpreting four beginnings on the basis of experience. He reinterpreted humans as a being in the structure of time and space, and relationships with others. In addition, he reinterpreted nature and life and four beginnings as the capability of wisdom and action and the function of mind and body. Therefore, he tried to overcome a transcendental thinking to aim for the unity of humans with the Heaven. Also, he discovered that the most important reason for disease is biased emotions (moral/private) because biased emotions influenced the function of mind and body. The causal relationship is the basis of his medical theory. Therefore, his idea of cultivating the self is focused on being careful not to make emotions biased. This reveals that even though Sasang constitutional theory came from the traditional medical theory and Confucian morality, it developed on a different philosophical foundation. In this regard, I tried to differentiate Lee Jema's idea of cultivating the self from 'cultivating and nurturing (the mind)' which aims for the unity between humans and the principle of changes or the Heaven.
This paper aims to examine how issues related to the heaven-human relation (or nature-culture relation) affected Joseon intellectuals in the eighteenth century by considering Huang Yun Seok as a reference. As a significant indicator, the heaven-human relation issue has traditionally been a critical theme in the history of Confucianism. Since Huang Yun Seok accepted Western Learning based on Zhuxi Learning, he is a good example for examining this issue. Huang's ideas didn't depart too much from Confucianism, but he naturally became interested in Western Learning because of the enthusiastic admiration he had of Ancient Learning since he was a child. Principle-Number was consistent with Ancient Learning and Western Learning, and this was somewhat different from the original notion of numerology. It was used for understanding and explaining astronomical phenomenon. In understanding astronomical phenomenon, Huang used both fact-determined and value-centered approaches. Western astronomy allowed him to make an advance in terms of fact-determined approach while the value-centered approach gave him a portentological perspective on astronomical variation such as solar and lunar eclipses. This indicates one of the ways to keep Zhuxi Learning's identity itself amidst an inflow of new learnings.
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