• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.55-66
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• 2019

For the past 66 years, the Korea-U.S. alliance has been a typical asymmetric alliance in which the U.S. supports South Korea's security during the Cold War and South Korea gives some of its policy autonomy to the U.S. But Lee Myung-bak government military alliance the 'comprehensive strategic alliance' of the character, 'value of alliance', Park Geun-hye ' a global, 'Frontier of cooperation', the government.'reciprocal, comprehensive alliance' Moon Jae-in, the government and partnerships developed with ' euroui the development of national security strategy said. The purpose of this study is to explore ways to build a reciprocal and comprehensive Korea-U.S. alliance for the development of the Korea-U.S. alliance policy in order to ensure South Korea's policy autonomy following changes in the Trump administration's alliance policy. The results of the research show the need for Korea to participate in the U.S.-led 'India-Pacific Strategy' continue diplomatic efforts for the mutual economic benefits of the two countries and strengthen public diplomacy in order to build the Korea-U.S. alliance in a reciprocal and comprehensive manner.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.89-100
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• 2017

Last January 2017, Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 45th president of the United States. He actively claimed a priority for the United States, which is referred as America First, during his presidential campaign. However, his political assertions turned out to be as Isolationist in terms of foreign policy. It becomes a serious problem for South Korea because South Korea is solely dependent on the U.S. "Extended Deterrence" of North Korea's nuclear threats. In other words, there will be a higher likelihood for North Korea to misinterpret the relationship between South Korea and the U.S. Due to his foreign policy, there is a possible provocation by North Korea. Therefore, ROK-U.S. Alliance, the model of Asymmetry Alliance in order to prepare for North Korea's nuclear provocation, will be evaluated through America's perspective based on "Autonomy-Security Trade-off Model". For this purpose, this research will evaluate ROK-U.S. Alliance with regards to a threat perception, policy coordination, and a value as an ally. Based on the evaluation, it will deduce tactical implications of South Korea's alliance.

• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.54-78
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• 2018

The core of the current constitutional amendment pursued by the Abe administration depends on the status of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, which include the right to engage in war, in the legal and regular military positions. This is an important turning point for the Abe administration, which aims to become a normal country for Japan, and it is a series of steps that followed in the revision of the U.S. and Japan guidelines in 2015 and the overhaul of the security law in 2016. In this paper, we propose building "A navy Attractive to Alliances" as a way to secure Korea's maritime security under the current security environment. The term "attraction" refers to the alliance "first priority" especially in the United States. The way to do this is to transform the paradigm of the ROK-U.S. alliance into a naval hub in the vast seas, which will allow us to strengthen our national defense and even deter threats from neighboring countries. To this end, our navy needs to have a more active approach to U.S. East Asian strategy. If we can convince the United States to be a nation that contributes more to its East Asian strategy, it will only lead to a strengthening of the status of its alliance and expansion of its unilateral support and military capability against Japan, thus minimizing Japan's influence.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.83-93
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• 2017

The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2017.05a
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• pp.357-391
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• 2017

In this study, we suggest a new perspective on the linkage between alliance portfolio diversity and innovation performance based on a contingency approach. Using a longitudinal data set on alliance portfolios and patents of 182 firms in the U.S. manufacturing industries, we examined that alliance portfolio diversity has a U-shaped relationship with firm-level innovation. Internal value creation capabilities in terms of routine and ability are found to moderate the relationship between alliance portfolio diversity and innovation performance: Organizational search routine strengthens the relationship of alliance portfolio diversity and innovation performance while technological capabilities weaken and flip the relationship.

• Strategy21
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• s.40
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• pp.37-81
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• 2016

This paper aims to use crossover analysis to uncover similarities and differences between the U.S-Japan relationship in the World War II era and the modern U.S-China relationship, and to forecast the possibility of the outbreak of war between U.S and China by applying the steps to war theory. The steps to war theory argues that the probability of the outbreak of war between two states within five years would approach 90 percent, if they have ongoing territorial dispute, alliance, rivalry, and arms race. The comparison exposes some similarities with the territorial dispute, alliance, rivalry, but reveals dissimilarities with arms race. U.S-Japan relationship in the World War II era had the arms race, which does not exist the modern U.S-China Relationship. The result of comparison is that the probability for the Outbreak of War between U.S and China correspond to third stage(Risk Level). it means that the probability for the Outbreak of War between U.S and China is 55%. But, There are four elements(① Perception of Leader ② Mutual dependence of economy ③ Possession of nuclear weapon ④ Ravages of war) that reduce the probability for the Outbreak of War. Considering the four elements, the probability for the Outbreak of War between U.S and China is a slim chance. But the probability for the Outbreak of War between U.S and China is excluded because of territorial dispute, alliance, rivalry. So, This paper suggests three points.(① Developing military options ② Reducing the misconception of intend, ③ Promoting navy exchanges) to prevent of Outbreak of War.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.115-144
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• 2023

Under the Trump administration, the U.S. has made clear that "China is America's strategic competitor, revisionist power and a major challenge to America's prosperity and security." The Biden administration has largely inherited this perception of China. China has also responded without backing down. Therefore, the U.S.-China strategic competition has become the most important background factor in the international system and has a great impact on the security situation in Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, if you look at the recent process of establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, we can find that ROK's foreign strategy adjustment has played a key role. This is because establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan depends on improving ROK-Japan relations. And the Yoon Suk Yeol government is pushing for rapid improvement in ROK-Japan relations regardless of domestic political constraints. The trilateral summit at Camp David laid the groundwork for future cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan in security and other broader areas. China is strongly dissatisfied with the formation of trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan. However, this paper argues that although ROK agrees to form trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, ROK's strategic objectives are not exactly the same as those of the U.S. and Japan. For example, looking back at the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance after the end of the Cold War, both the U.S. and Japan share similar views and perceptions of China's rise. The real goal of the strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance in recent years is also how to cope with China's rise. On the other hand, ROK's previous administrations have been negative about trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan. This is because ROK's main strategic goal is to reduce or eliminate threats from DPRK rather than respond to China. Faced with increasing DPRK's provocations and threats, more than half of South Koreans are in favor of reinforcing trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan to contain or mitigate threats from DPRK. As a result, if North Korea's nuclear and missile threats to ROK continue, then ROK's foreign strategy is likely to be to strengthen trilateral security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan to ensure its own safety and survival. If China wants to reduce the strategic pressure from the trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, the best way is to reduce DPRK's provocations and threats to ROK and play a more substantive role in getting DPRK to give up its nuclear program.

• Journal of the military operations research society of Korea
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.91-101
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• 1977

The recent issue on the withdrawal of U.S. Forces from Korea Suggests an Urgency of Self Defense of Korea. The expected huge defense budget and her armed forces create a need for an operational analysis. It is shown through a statistical analysis what some of the opportunity costs of defense spending have been. Some evidences about what some of the economy sacrifice if defense spending rises have been analyzed to provide executive departments with a quantitative basis for decisions. The Korea-U.S. alliance is discussed in view of the developmental effects of U.S. aids and deterrent effects of U.S.F.K.

• Journal of Plant Biology
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.53-65
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• 1986

The montane forests of Ulreung Island, Korea, were investigated by the ZM school method. By comparing the montane forests of this island with those of Korean Peninsula and of Japan, a new order, F a g e t a l i a m u l t i n e r v i s, a new alliance, F a l g i o n m u l t i n e r v i s, a new association, H e p a t i c o-F a g e t u m m u l t i n e r v i s and Rhododendron brachycarpum-Pinus parviflora community were recognized. The H e p a t i c o - F a g e t u m m u l t i n e r v i s was further subdivided into four subassociations; Subass. of Sasa kurilensis, Subass. of Rumohra standishii, Subass. of Rhododendron brachycarpum and Subass. of typicum. Each community was described in terms of floristic, structural and environmental features.

• Asian Journal of Business Environment
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.29-31
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• 2019

Purpose - The aim of this paper is to examine the newly formed a partnership of Amazon, Berkshire Hathaway (Berkshire) and JPMorgan through the lens of strategic alliance, corporate philanthropy, and corporate social responsibility. Research design, data, and methodology - This is an analytical case study that examines the existing scholarly articles in strategic alliances, corporate philanthropy, and corporate social responsibility to explain the recent strategic alliance. Results - There is a clear limitation in explaining this type of unconventional strategic alliance with exiting definitions and concepts because there is no existing study or case available today. Forming a strategic business alliance to create and operate healthcare for their domestic employees could be viewed as a social innovation that resulted from an effort to resolve a social problem, the ineffective healthcare system in the U.S., rather than focusing on business benefits and profits. Conclusions - The success or failure of this type of business alliance would certainly affect the current healthcare system of the United States and global businesses and healthcare industries in the future. However, just entering or tapping into uncharted territory by these three companies to deal with a social issue is significant enough to merit further exploration and analysis for scholars and practitioners.