• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.46-58
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• 2022

This study analyzed the documentation trend of garden components such as plants, infrastructure, unit facilities, and structures, based on 188 measurement drawings of 94 old houses in a report on the documentation of the national folklore cultural heritage. The findings are as follows. First, it was found that plants and structures continuously appeared as the subject of measurement drawings, while infrastructure was often omitted. It was confirmed that unit facilities, which are smaller than other components, were frequently excluded from the documentation subject as well due to frequent changes such as movement, loss, and expansion. Second, the level of expression in measurement drawings showed different aspects for each component. The unit facilities showed a large change over time with respect to the level of documentation, and the level of documentation was somewhat polarized, particularly toward the latter stage. This suggests that the level of documenting the drawings limited to specific facilities improved, but the overall level of drawings did not improve, such as a lack of diversification of expression techniques suitable for various unit facilities. On the other hand, it was confirmed that the level of documenting the drawings for plants, infrastructure and structures did not change to a significant degree, implying that no improvements were made to the expression of components. Third, as for the technique of detailed expression, in the case of plants, vegetation status was prepared without distinction of old or protected trees that have historical value. Above all, there was no record of the vegetation structure that could help grasp the vegetation landscape of the outer area. As for the infrastructure, there was no consistent expression technique to systematically convey topographic changes such as the height and slope of the land. In addition, since there was no subtype classification defined for unit facilities and structures, there was no subject or method of documentation. This study is meaningful in that it expanded the category of documentation, which has been concentrated on buildings in old houses, to gardens, and called attention to the need for documenting the gardens for the preservation and management of old houses as an integration of the building and outer area.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.61 no.2
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• pp.319-330
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• 2022

Andong is a place to culture the great amount of hot pepper (Capsicum annuum L.) in Korea. This study reports a yearly occurrence (March 31~October 25, 2021) of thrips infesting the hot pepper in Andong. Thrips caught to yellow sticky traps were diagnosed by morphological characters and showed two dominant species: Frankliniella occidentalis and F. intonsa. During this period, a total of 107,874 thrips were caught and included F. occidentalis at about 82%, F. intonsa at about 17%, and the other thrips at about 0.3%. There were two main peaks at May~June and at September~October, respectively, in which the total number of thrips was higher in the second peak and most were F. occidentalis. Interestinly, a low level of thrips occurred during July~August was observed and explained by their susceptibility to high temperatures. A laboratory experiment by exposing thrips to high temperatures showed that thrips were susceptible to temperatures higher than 35℃ and not tolerant to 45℃ for 1 h. Indeed, high temperatures higher than 45℃ were recorded in the greenhouses in Andong during July~August. F. occidentalis was more tolerant to the high temperatures than F. intonsa. On the other hand, the thrips showed the highest occurrence peak at July~August in hot pepper-culturing greenhouse in Kangwon, where the average temperatures were mostly lower than those of Andong and no high temperatures higher than 45℃ were recorded during July~August. A viral disease caused by tomato spotted wilt virus (TSWV) was observed in the hot peppers cultured in Andong greenhouses. Multiplex PCR was used to detect the virus along with identification of thrips. With a high record of about 30%, the virus-infected thrips were detected during all the monitoring period. The virulent thrips were identified to be only F. intonsa. These results suggest that F. occidentalis gives a direct damage especially during harvesting period with their high populations while F. intonsa gives indirect damage by transmitting TSWV.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.219-255
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• 2020

This article was triggered by Victor H. Mair's book 'Painting and performance'. The book explained that Buddhist paintings are common in the area where Buddhism was spread, and there are also performances using them. And although it has nothing to do with Buddhism, it has been shown that this form of performance can be global. However, the problem was not 'Korea'. It was because there was no record or transmission of the corresponding performance soon. In this situation, the landing method of Samcheok stable temple was announced in 2018. On the one hand, the academic community is very pleased, but on the other hand, it is troubled. The worries are summed up as 'synchronic and diachronic universality'. Is the landing method inherited from the Samcheok stable temple a unique type of temple? Otherwise, it is a question of whether it has been passed down or is it universal at the national level. However, prior to this essential question, we do not yet know the full picture of the stable landing method. So this article was prepared to show the overall outline of the stable landing method. There is a 'picture' in common throughout the landing method, and understanding how to operate it in various ways is the first step in understanding the landing method. There are five repertoires (which are called main halls) that are considered important, and more than that. What these repertoires have in common is the narrative structure of a Buddhist character. In this narrative, the most important thing is the revised figure, and it was the earthly method to inform the contents of the revised figure in various ways. In the case of Byeonsangdo, which serves as a clue to the narrative, there was a problem that could not be seen in the evening without light, which required special design. It is the way of shadow play and Yeongdeung. In other words, there are three types of performances in the landing method. The first is the method of using reparation, and the second is the method of using shadow. The third is the way of eternity. This method is not a selection based on the contents of the repertoire, but a selection based on the performance environment. If there is light and you can see the picture, use reparation. However, in the evening, it was impossible to see it dark (when there was no electricity in the past). The use of the visual method as a tool in this method is to confirm the transition to a visual culture that is a step further from the level of culture. Moreover, unlike the epic narrative, the power of the implied image provided an opportunity for viewers to experience the mystery of Buddhism through emotional stimulation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.415-455
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• 2019

This paper aimed to clarify the identity and category of the Jeong Jeongnyeol-je Chunhyangga from the perspective of the pansori transfer, while revealing the trajectory of Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, which remains in the modern pansori. Jeong Jeong-ryeol's Chunhyangga pansori part has been handed out to date, and except for the love song section, the pansori section, which corresponds to the love-separate-suffering-reunion paragraph, is almost complete. In the case of "Lee Doryeong enters Dongheon," "Hwangneungmyo song," and "The royal secret inspector visits Chunhyang's house to console her", there is a difference in pansori rhythm compared to Chunhyangga, which is currently held. "Why Yi Doryeong came to Chunhyang's House" is used in the form of an Aniri in the current Chunhyangga and "Chunhyang is treated as a virtuous woman in Namwon" is the only one included in Park Rokju's Changbon. "The royal secret inspector gathers people of Namwon to give a feast" is a new part that is not found in Chunhyangga, which is now being held, and can be seen as the Changgeuk sori of pursuing theatrical fun. On the other hand, this paper confirmed that the period between 1936 and 1937, when the Joseon Traditional Vocal Music Group actively performed Changgeuk and the record companies released a series of Changgeuk records, such as and , was an important time for the re-establishment of the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, and that the Chunhyangga of those who had learned it before 1936-1937 was different from those who had learned it after that period. The preceding group includes Park Rok-ju, Kim Yeo-ran and Kim So-hee, while the latter group includes Kim Yeon-soo, Jung Kwang-soo, Park Dong-jin, Jung Kwang-soo and Kang Do-geun. In addition, except for Kim So-hee, these two groups are divided by the time they have learned Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je, whether they inherit the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je from beginning to end, and by the gender of male and female singers. In teaching his pupils, Jeong Jeong-ryeol chose to use the "old-fashioned pansori" teaching method with impromptu plate-making in mind and the "modern pansori" teaching method with stereotyped sounds in mind. As a result, there were two aspects of Jeong Jeongryeol-je Chunhyangga's succession: a female singer-centered succession, which was held as learned from beginning to end, and a male singer-centered succession, which was held differently depending on the pansori schools or versions.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.6
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• pp.110-123
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• 2022

Namsan Park in Seoul was designated as a "grand park" in 1954 and is currently operated as an 'Urban Nature Park Area' and four 'neighborhood parks.' However, despite the park's historical and cultural value as an urban park, it has been discussed mainly from a perspective revolving around notions of a mountain or a city wall. To ensure a comprehensive exploration of Namsan Park's history, this study examined public records at the Seoul Metropolitan Archives (SMA), which houses the city's permanent records for preservation and organization. To this end, documents in the SMA Database (DB) were analyzed, yielding 1,359 records concerning Namsan Park. Based on the contents, general characteristics of the urban park were identified through production periods, record types, and disclosure types. Then, essential keywords concerning organizations, people, geographical areas, subjects, and business functions were examined. Finally, the contents and characteristics of Namsan Park in public records were scrutinized, focusing on specific spaces. This research also uncovered important information, such as park drawings, photos, planting lists, plant parcel lists, and significant discussions and decisions regarding the operation and management of the park. Although the public records do not contain a comprehensive history of Namsan Park, it was possible to check the primary historical changes and deliberation processes pertaining to the park's history. Therefore, continuous research intended to interpret and describe public records is expected to identify many implications. In addition, because the public records showed heterogeneous characteristics that center on specific periods and events, an essential task is to advance collaboration and networking with various related institutions, designers, researchers, and citizens.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.143-191
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• 2019

This research argues that Pansori had patrons in its development. Patrons are commonly discussed aspect of history of any art form. Pansori is no exception. While Pansori originally began as the art of the common people, Yangban class became the primary audience. This paper examines the role of royal family of Choson dynasty in development of Pansori. Heungseon Daewongun (흥선대원군) in particular was a Pansori aficionado. The record around Daewongun's involvement to Pansori proves that heavy monetary investment was made. He hosted Pansori competitions and sponsored creation of Pansori tradition, Boseong Sori (보성소리) and Gangsanje (강산제). Also the aspect of Pansori patronage lies not just in Yangban class, but also in Jung'in class, which is roughly analoguous to European bourgeois in that they were not of Yangban class, but had gained monetary status, and had aesthetics of both Yangban and commoner class. I argue that Heungseon Daewongun's ties to the Jung'in class is reflected in his actions towards Pansori artists. The traditions he had sponsored have important characteristics, including sophisticated lyrics heavily utilizing Classical Chinese poetry, highly artistic musical composition, and conservative Confucian ethics. Those characteristics indicate that the Pansori traditions sponsored by the royal patrons have changed to cater to their artistic taste and philosophy. This paper conducts a textual comparative analysis between Gangsanje Pansori Jeokbyeokga (강산제 판소리 적벽가), Dongpyeonje's Pansori Jeokbyeokga (동편제 판소리 적벽가), and Seopyeonje Pansori Jeokbyeokga, who share the same plot yet offers a stark differences in tone, philosophy, and sense of humor. Daewongun was a primary sponsor of Pansori, which proves that Yangban class and the royal family have played important role as patrons of Pansori.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.105-158
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• 2011

Due to the system of sending selected hyanggi(local entertaining woman) to the government office in Seoul after the abolition of the system of gyeonggi(entertaining woman in capital area) during the reign of King Injo(1595~1649), the kyobang-jeongjae(local dance performed for the provincial government office) had gotten into the court to be performed at the royal banquet as gungjung-jeongjae(court dance), one of which was seonyurak(dance of boating). It used to be performed for finale of the royal banquet in the late Joseon Dynasty and appeared in several uigwes(record for royal banquet) since its first appearance in the wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongri-uigwe, documented in 1795, the 19th year of the reign of King Jeongjo. Considering that the yeoggi(female entertainer) responsible for the court dance, seonyurrak was the seonsanggi(selected entertaining woman from provinces) from the northwestern provincial villages such as Euiju, Ahnju, and Seongcheon etc., we can assume that the baettaragi, one of kyobang-jeongjaes whould have been getting into the court to become the seonyurrak as court dance. The baettaragi, kyobang-jeongjae of northwestern province that affected the development of the court dance, seonyurak was created as performance executed by entertaining women of kyobang(local supervisory office for entertaining women) on the basis of the fact that the envoy of Joseon dynasty to the Ming dynasty could not help but taking a sea route when Amaga Aisin Gurun had a grip on the northeastern area of China during the shift of power from Ming to Qing. There had been a lot of banquets for envoys in the northwestern province because of its geographical feature as gateway to trip to China and the baettaragi used to be performed by entertaining women belonged to local provincial office to consolate the sadness of separation with those who destined to depart to China and to hope for their safe return. The kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi of northwestern province is recorded as performance with sorrowful song to put the pain of parting into work, according to many related documents. It puts together painted boats as props, the march of a couple of dancer dressed up as soldier with marching music called gochiak, the song and musical accompaniment before getting on boat, the dramatic expression of sailing, and the farewell song praying for safe return etc. It turns the situation of dispatching envoys for China by sea into performance with combination of music, song and dance. Created in this way, the kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi had been performed at the various banquets for envoys departing for China and it affected the formation of court dance or gungjung-jeongjae called seonyurak through the activities of selected local entertaining women. It also exerted influence on other similar performance in provincial area because of the returning home of the selected local entertainers who finished their performance in Seoul and it had been performed with different variation at local banquet including locality in it.

• Progress in Medical Physics
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.15-25
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• 2012

The aim of this study is to evaluate plan quality and dose accuracy for Volumetric Modulated Arc Therapy (VMAT) on the TG-119 and is to investigate the effects on variation of the selectable optimization parameters of VMAT. VMAT treatment planning was implemented on a Varian iX linear accelerator with ARIA record and verify system (Varian Mecical System Palo Alto, CA) and Oncentra MasterPlan treatment planning system (Nucletron BV, Veenendaal, Netherlands). Plan quality and dosimetric accuracy were evaluated by effect of varying a number of arc, gantry spacing and delivery time for the test geometries provided in TG-119. Plan quality for the target and OAR was evaluated by the mean value and the standard deviation of the Dose Volume Histograms (DVHs). The ionization chamber and $Delta^{4PT}$ bi-planar diode array were used for the dose evaluation. For treatment planning evaluation, all structure sets closed to the goals in the case of single arc, except for the C-shape (hard), and all structure sets achieved the goals in the case of dual arc, except for C-shape (hard). For the variation of a number of arc, the simple structure such as a prostate did not have the difference between single arc and dual arc, whereas the complex structure such as a head and neck showed a superior result in the case of dual arc. The dose distribution with gantry spacing of $4^{\circ}$ was shown better plan quality than the gantry spacing of $6^{\circ}$, but was similar results compared with gantry spacing of $2^{\circ}$. For the verification of dose accuracy with single arc and dual arc, the mean value of a relative error between measured and calculated value were within 3% and 4% for point dose and confidence limit values, respectively. For the verification on dose accuracy with the gantry intervals of $2^{\circ}$, $4^{\circ}$ and $6^{\circ}$, the mean values of relative error were within 3% and 5% for point dose and confidence limit values, respectively. In the verification of dose distribution with $Delta^{4PT}$ bi-planar diode array, gamma passing rate was $98.72{\pm}1.52%$ and $98.3{\pm}1.5%$ for single arc and dual arc, respectively. The confidence limit values were within 4%. The smaller the gantry spacing, the more accuracy results were shown. In this study, we performed the VMAT QA based on TG-119 procedure, and demonstrated that all structure sets were satisfied with acceptance criteria. And also, the results for the selective optimization variables informed the importance of selection for the suitable variables according to the clinical cases.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.67-92
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• 2008

The purpose of this paper is to research the requirements and effect of the document of carriage in respect of the carriage of cargo by air under the Montreal Convention of 1999, IATA Conditions of Carriage for Cargo, and the judicial precedents of Korea and foreign countries. Under the Article 4 of Montreal Convention, in respect of the carriage of cargo, an air waybill shall be delivered. If any other means which preserves a record of the carriage are used, the carrier shall, if so requested by the consignor, deliver to the consignor a cargo receipt. Under the Article 7 of Montreal convention, the air waybill shall be made out by the consignor. If, at the request of the consignor, the carrier makes it out, the carrier shall be deemed to have done so on behalf of the consignor. The air waybill shall be made out in three original parts. The first part shall be marked "for the carrier", and shall be signed by the consignor. The second part shall be marked "for the consignee", and shall be signed by the consignor and by the carrier. The third part shall be signed by the carrier who shall hand it to the consignor after the goods have been accepted. Under the Article 5 of Montreal Convention, the air waybill or the cargo receipt shall include (a) an indication of the places of departure and destination, (b) an indication of at least one agreed stopping place, (c) an indication of the weight of the consignment. Under the Article 10 of Montreal Convention, the consignor shall indemnify the carrier against all damages suffered by the carrier or any other person to whom the carrier is liable, by reason of the irregularity, incorrectness or incompleteness of the particulars and statement furnished by the consignor or on its behalf. Under the Article 9 of Montreal Convention, non-compliance with the Article 4 to 8 of Montreal Convention shall not affect the existence of the validity of the contract, which shall be subject to the rules of Montreal Convention including those relating to limitation of liability. The air waybill is not a document of title or negotiable instrument. Under the Article 11 of Montreal Convention, the air waybill or cargo receipt is prima facie evidence of the conclusion of the contract, of the acceptance of the cargo and of the conditions of carriage. Under the Article 12 of Montreal Convention, if the carrier carries out the instructions of the consignor for the disposition of the cargo without requiring the production of the part of the air waybill or the cargo receipt, the carrier will be liable, for any damage which may be accused thereby to any person who is lawfully in possession of that part of the air waybill or the cargo receipt. According to the precedent of Korea Supreme Court sentenced on 22 July 2004, the freight forwarder as carrier was not liable for the illegal delivery of cargo to the notify party (actual importer) on the air waybill by the operator of the bonded warehouse because the freighter did not designate the boned warehouse and did not hold the position of employer to the operator of the bonded warehouse. In conclusion, as the Korea Customs Authorities will drive the e-Freight project for the carriage of cargo by air, the carrier and freight forwarder should pay attention to the requirements and legal effect of the electronic documentation of the carriage of cargo by air.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.230-246
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• 2023

The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.