• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.141-178
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• 2012

Korea's medical law prohibited medical advertisements in principle and permitted them on an exceptional cases. However, the decision of the Constitutional Court of 20005. 10. 27. 20003 Heonga 3, it was changed to a negative system which allows advertisements in principle and restricted only exceptionally. Dramatic increase of medical advertisements was made after that and many argued more deregulation because there was actually heavy regulations. In particular, there is almost no actual regulation on the article type advertisement due to the reason of protection of the freedom of press, media and occupation. However, there may be an unjust result if a specific article or specialists' opinion is made using a newspaper, broadcasting or magazine as a form of article type advertisement to specific medical specialists or medical institution or medical treatment method that falsifies consumers or makes consumers confused by unjust medical expectations or reliability, that also deteriorates just competition and that causes the misrecognition of consumers. In fact, there were actual damages of article type advertisements on the eye whitening surgery not long after the transfer to a negative system of medical advertisements. Victims raised a medical proceeding against the doctor who carried out the surgery, but there is actually no systematic warranty except for the indemnity request. Thus, this case demonstrated a vulnerable result of a negative system. As such, it is problematic that there is no proper regulations defined in the current law and regulations because of the reason of the protection of the freedom of press, publication and occupation despite damages of such article type advertisements. Accordingly, it is urgent to apply the current prevention regulations on the article type advertisements strictly, and to set up specific regulations.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.235-241
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• 2017

With the coming of the digital era, encryption has become common in everyday life. Almost anyone can easily acquire encryption software and use it to prevent unwanted third parties from accessing one's private information. However, the spread of encryption has also seriously hindered law enforcement during the investigation of cybercrimes, which hides incriminating digital evidence in encrypted hard drives and files. Therefore, many countries have attempted to compel criminals to decrypt encrypted evidence and it has been inevitable to examine privilege against self-incrimination as basic right on the side of constitution. This study analyzed the past court decisions on the issue of compelled decryption in the US and whether the Government can compel a defendant to disclose his password in Korean legal system on the constitutional side. Finally, this study suggests an approach to create a legal procedure to make it a crime for a suspect or defendant to refuse to disclose his password to law enforcement for criminal cases in Korea.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.113-121
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• 2018

The The ROK military announced a reform proposal for the National Defense Reform 2.0 in 2018 in order to substantially guarantee the constitutional rights and human rights of the soldiers and to meet the demands of the military judicial reform. In order to establish a fair and independent military judicial system through such reforms, the Supreme Military Court was abolished to eradicate the controversy in the army and to abolish the system of the judges' And professionalism is systematically ensured so that judges can be judged only by law and conscience. This military reform proposal is so dramatic that it has a vocal voice of opposition, but the military should no longer be an exception to democracy and should try not to get caught in the stigma of human rights blindness.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.46
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• pp.113-140
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• 2016

Right to counsel means a defendant has a right to have the assistance of counsel (i.e., lawyers), and if the defendant cannot afford a lawyer, requires that the government appoint one or pay the defendant's legal expenses. The right to counsel is generally regarded as a constituent of the right to a fair trial. Historically, however, not all countries have always recognized the right to counsel. The right is often included in criminal law and constitutional law etc. First, any person who is arrested or detained shall have the right to prompt assistance of counsel. When a criminal defendant is unable to secure counsel by his own efforts, the State shall assign counsel for the defendant as prescribed by act in article 12(4) of the constitutional law. Second, the defense counsel or a person who desires to be a defense counsel may have an interview with the defendant or the suspect who is placed under physical restraint, deliver or receive any documents or things and have any doctor examine and treat the defendant or the suspect in article 34 of the criminal law. Nonetheless, problems about guarantee of the rights to counsel to the national security violators like spy terrorist and etc will be important for Koreans to consider. That is because national security violators's cases are qualitatively different from general criminal offense's cases and historically, lawyer obstruct a investigation in the process of examination of a suspect for national security violators. Therefore, this study suggest a way that a restriction the rights to counsel with an attorney in cases of the national security violators. To this end, in this paper, I touch on restriction of right to counsel during interrogation in the England and Germany etc in comparison to that of Korea and review Korea's Supreme Court decision and Constitution Court decision to understand the prospective and trends for Korean investigation procedure improvement.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.233-260
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• 2013

Despite various policies have been implemented to curb shadow education in Korea, it has continued to grow in recent two decades. This study investigates the expansion mechanism of shadow education focused on mobilization capabilities and market strategies of the suppliers. The success and failure of policy toward shadow education depends on how effectively it could block off the way by which the suppliers as the most important actors in politics of shadow education market mobilize consumers' anxieties. But shadow education policies have failed in two points. First, they have lacked honest intention to stop its proliferation. The Constitutional Court Decision Against Anti-Out-Of-School Classes Legislation of 2000 widened the windows of opportunity for the suppliers, and 5.31 educational reform of 1995 was neutral to their mobilization capabilities, though seemingly designed to control shadow education. This policy orientation, which reflected neoliberal Gesinnungsethik defective of Verantwortungsethik, stimulated shadow education to expand in that suppliers' mobilization capabilities were reinforced or remained intact. Second, shadow education suppliers have succeeded in mobilizing the desire and anxiety of potential consumers. To cope with government's policy including improving the qualities of public education, realignment of college entrance systems, and meeting the shadow education needs, they have developed various market strategies such as management of existing demands, creation of responsive demands, and squeezing out new demands. They have succeeded in nullifying policies by employing or mixing strategies with effect. Policy decisions in the future need to be made with reference to Verantwortungsethik, and be more cautious to socio-political contexts of Korea, to mobilization capabilities and market strategies of the suppliers in particular.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.106-129
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• 2012

Social Network Service(SNS), which are an emerging form of political architecture, have been a political means to promote civic engagement and shape pubic opinions on social issues. Along with the influence of SNSs, the governmental control on the dissemination of information over SNSs has increased more and more. It would be ideal if the autonomous governance regulates SNSs which facilitate the networks of the dispersed people. It is the fact, though, that compulsory regulations under which the government controls impose policy and legal restrictions on political expressions. The current study addresses expressive and participatory nature embedded in technological characteristics of SNSs and discusses the problems of content regulations of political expression over SNSs. First of all, it is analyzed that light touch regulation or light touch monitoring should be applied to regulating content on SNSs, particularly political expressions. Constitutional Court proclaimed that legal restrictions on the Internet could infringe basic rights of the people and thus under unambiguous standards, the Doctrine of Clear and Present Danger should be applied to its content. Second, it is found that clarifying the definition of illegality in the application of legal restrictions is necessary to minimize the excessive misleading. Third, it is required that Korea Communications Standards Commission under the government control needs to change in determining the scope of illegal information. In a domestic level, there needs to be safeguards for the protection of the self-regulatory organization such as KISO to guarantee voluntary and autonomous regulatory practices.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.47
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• pp.74-95
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• 2009

With the digital technical development, the German public broadcasting system has enlarged their online services with the rapid growth of internet population and digital channels. In the debate on online services of public broadcasting systems the major issue is that broadcasting fees finance their broadcast, though they are intended to support mass communication only. Therefore the German private broadcasting claimed to the European Union, that broadcasting fee of the German public had to be regarded as state aid concerning fair competition. Due to the autonomy of the German public broadcasting systems, guaranteed by the German Constitutional Law, a public value test was proposed to the EU and was accepted domestically. The cut in rise of broadcasting fees was stated unconstitutional by the German Constitional Court in 2007, when online services were consolidated as the third media amongst TV and radio with regard to basic provision. This with the public value tests of the public and the accept of the EU's Audio Visual Media Services Directive was constituted in the 12th amendment of the State Contract of Broadcasting. This three-dimensional legislative process could be instructive for the korean process, because Korea too is on the verge of constituting a regulatory system of convergence media.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.241-276
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• 2018

This article measures equal weighted voting to evaluate the fairness of a redistricting system operated in the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections using a new index. The cosine square index using in the article would be useful on what we see the ratio of the equality of population among metropolitan regions and the fairness of the whole electoral system, along with its simple calculation. The results of the fairness of the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections calculated by the cosine square index are as follow: Because the $4^{th}$ metropolitan council election uniformly elects two members for each electoral district regardless of the size of the population, it has a low equality of population between districts. But as a result of the decision of the Constitutional Court in 2007, standard of population variation in electoral district has been strengthened to 4 : 1 from the $5^{th}$ metropolitan council election. It increases significantly equality of population between districts from the $5^{th}$ metropolitan council election. But in the elections from the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections, Rural electoral districts continuously show the lowest equality of population between districts. It also shows the growing disparity between urban and rural areas as well as between capital and non-capital. This paper emphasizes that electoral apportionment in local council elections should reflect regional diversity and community identity.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.37-63
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• 2023

In medical litigation, there are various cases where a doctor's 'explanation' of a patient becomes problematic. Medical explanations and guidance are required from the doctor, starting from the beginning of diagnosis, through treatment processes such as surgery, when hospitalization is necessary for treatment, during hospitalization, upon discharge, and after discharge. Furthermore, notification from the doctor or medical institution may be requested regarding the economic costs that will be incurred due to medical treatment. South Korea's judiciary has been developing legal principles regarding such doctor's explanations by distinguishing between explanations for obtaining consent for medical treatment and medical explanations related to guidance on patient treatment methods, taking into account related laws such as the stage of treatment and the Medical Service Act. Additionally, the Constitutional Court recently ruled on the non-benefit cost notification system linked to the explanation of economic costs. However, holding a doctor accountable solely because the doctor's explanation was insufficient has aspects that do not correspond to the actual situation in clinical reality, and may have a reflexive disadvantage that results in a decline in legal rights. Therefore, the doctor's explanation needs to be examined from both perspectives: guaranteeing the patient's right to self-determination and protecting his or her right to decision.