• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.21
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• pp.147-175
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• 2003

This study is primarily concerned with the criteria for choosing a legitimate state plaintiff in cases involving a states request to media for a right of reply. Interpretation of the right of reply itself is different from country to country because of different constitutional views and systems in each state. Unlike the United States, the constitution of the Republic of Korea does not expressly prohibit the making of laws adversely affecting freedom of the press. Accordingly, in Korea freedom of the press may be restricted through legislation within certain limits and the right of reply is not incompatible with the spirit of the constitution. An analysis of relevant law makes it clear that the particular agency aggrieved should initiate the suit rather than the Justice Minister. The idea that the Justice Minister should assume the role of plaintiff in all state cases seems to stem from flawed interpretations of provisions in the Law Governing Registration of Periodicals and the Law Governing Litigation Involving the State. Even though each state agency has the right of reply, it should be cautioned not to abuse it as the states frequent involvement in litigation may bring on unnecessary misunderstanding and have a chilling effect on the media. The right of reply does not always imply that a certain media report in question is wrong and the media should be sanctioned for it. The right of reply is basically intended to help the general public make an informed judgment on issues presented in the media and insure fairness and balance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.33
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• pp.227-251
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• 2006

The Law Ensuring the Freedom and the Functions of Liability of the Newspapers ("The Newspaper Law") which was passed in the National Assembly on January 1, 2005 is considered as a tremendous setback compared to "the Newspaper Bill" of civil press organizations. Of the two instruments to ensure the editorial freedom, the regulation on the newspaper company ownership share distribution was eliminated and the editorial committee (editorial codes of ethics) became an arbitrary system. That is, the Newspaper Law was criticized as a law of "half-success." However, the Newspaper Law has its own benefit by institutionalizing the establishment of the Korea Commission for the Press, the Press Fund, and the Korea Newspaper Circulation Service for Promoting Newspaper Businesses and by strengthening the criteria to estimate market dominant businesspeople in newspaper market than general markets to ensure the diversity of public opinions. As the Newspaper Law was promulgated, Donga-Ilbo and Chosun-Ilbo submitted the Constitutional Petition against "the Newspaper Law" and the Constitutional Court is expected to give the decision soon. Based on the "Supplements on the Grounds of the Constitutional Petition against the Newspaper Law" ("the Petition"), this paper will examine the main issues of the debates over the Constitutionality of the Newspaper Law.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.200-254
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• 2016

This paper deals with historical changes in the market of Korean newsprint paper since 1945. Particularly, this paper does not examine only the structure of supply and demand in the newsprint paper market, but also general dynamics of the market from a perspective of Harold Innis's socioeconomic history. As a result, this paper concludes that the general dynamics of Korean newsprint paper market has persistently responded to a stimulus from external markets due to a scarcity of natural resources. To more concretely put it, until 1967 when the newsprint paper market was opened, Korean government had tried to control both newspaper industries and paper manufacture businesses by the matters of price and distribution of the newsprint paper. But since the market was opened, a general dynamics of the Korean newsprint paper market has been vulnerable to uncoordinated properties of external markets. Consequently, even though 'self-sufficiency' of newsprint papers was achieved in 1974, the price of newsprint papers has been often rising and falling.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.30
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• pp.35-87
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• 2005

This research explores the empirical confirmation of the Internet development including from the period of innovation to the time of social-cultural use in today. The research focused on how tradition news media rover about the Internet developed from early to today, and understanding the media characteristics on the each stages from news frame. The research Is designed to conduit content analysis from 1989 to 2004, then this research is divided four(4) stages of the Internet development: innovation, diffusion, commercial usage, social-cultural usage. The results shows that there are significant different coverage by the stages. First of all, the news coverage pattern shift from technology focused on early stages to social usage focused on the later stages. This research confirms that the ratio of the seriation(technology) coverage defined when social usage is increased, on the other hand skeumorphs(social usage and content) coverage is increased in the commercial and social usage stages. This coverage pattern among news media does not such a big different and there is no competitive coverage. Moreover, the news coverage shifted from thematic coverage on early stages to episodic coverage while the number of usage increasing. In addition, the tone of coverage has not been changed significantly.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.333-367
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• 2006

This paper attempted to examine to what extent advertising as expression has been constitutionally protected through an analysis on the reputational-right-related legal cases. In order to make the understanding more clearly, this paper applied Van Alstyne's graphical depiction on how commercial speech is protected compared with other constitutional rights such as political speech, private expression, defamation, and obscene expression. Through the analysis, this paper found out that first, in the legal cases, there has been no consideration on whether the status of the plaintiff is public figure or private figure, whereas in the libel cases, Korean courts has made a distinction between public figure and private figure since 2002; second, when the case is concerned with corporations, the Korean courts do not give consideration on the status of corporation, while the status of corporation is a somewhat important factor in deciding the degree of responsibility in the U.S.; third, even though it is clear that advertising in Korea is being protected as expression, it is nebulous whether it is well balanced with other personal rights that are constitutionally protected. Conclusively, applying the Alstyne's graphical depiction on Korean advertising, it advertising as expression in Korea is being provided lower protection than defamation. To put it differently, like the case in the U.S., advertising, although it is allegedly protected as expression, does not yet enjoy full-fledged constitutional protection in Korean society. Rather, there must be some actions to be taken to enhance the degree of protection of advertising.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.81-107
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to assert the justification for actively accepting media education in Library and Information Science and to suggest the media type according to the concept and classification criteria of the media from the perspective of Library and Information Science. In order to present the media type according to the concept of the media, the dictionary concept of the media was reviewed, the language and media for high school students in Korean language, the educational materials for elementary and secondary school students written by Media Education Committee of Korean Society for Journalism & Communication Studies, the educational textbooks for elementary and secondary school students in Library and Information Science, and media classification presented in the RDA of the cataloging rules were analyzed. In addition, the implications were derived based on the analysis results of the concepts and media type. The concept of media was set based on the analysis results and implications, and the media types were presented according to the concepts and classification criteria. In this study, the media was set up in the same meaning as the medium, and it was defined that the media function as a means of communication and that information contained in it can be obtained through the human sensory apparatus through physical objects that contain, transmit or reproduce information. The media was set up as three logical components of the media in this study: information in the media, materials, and representation devices.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.511-555
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• 2009

Media-related regulations can be classified into two categories; regulations of individual media contents and regulations regarding the entry to and withdrawal from a certain field. In this dissertation, ownership regulations are regarded as legal and political measures so as to prevent the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion, and to secure its diversity. Every country has its own regulation model according to its particular media environment. Korea too is obliged to actively respond to its environmental changes, at the same time vitalizing the media industry and protecting consumers' rights and interests. Strong political intentions to protect the public interest is necessary when it comes to media regulation policies, especially in the circumstances that public interest is an industrial priority. As the convergence of broadcasting and telecommunications is leading to a major shift in the media industry, the regulation of cross-media ownership is an issue involving potential conflicts among media-owners, non-governmental organizations and the authorities concerned, depending on their various viewpoints regarding the media industry. In this paper, an attempt was made to search necessity of redefining 'public interest', which is the logic behind the restriction of cross-media ownership, and to reconceptualize issues on the centralization and diversity of media. First, an examination of the actual conditions of newspaper companies was carried out in order to reinvestigate domestic cross-media ownership issues, which is represented by the cross-ownership issue of newspapers and broadcasting stations. Next, the dilemma of policies stimulated by the fusion of media was discussed based on cross-media ownership restrictions, and the need for efficient conflict control was suggested. Finally, proposals on the independency and public confidence of media-related policy-making authorities, the rationalization of regulation models, an itemized discussion on cross-media ownership regulation issues, the elaboration of measures for a balanced development among media were made. It could be found that a number of foreign countries were still facing challenges to prevent monopoly and oligopoly of the public opinion and the industry. A solution to settle disagreements about the dilemma of the media industry, including the cross-media ownership regulation issues, must be arranged on the grounds of 'mutual respect of public interest and industrial interest', In Korea, an ease on the ownership regulations adapting to the change in the media industry may be considered, however the softening of the cross-media ownership regulations must be approached with the utmost care. Paradoxically Relieving cross-media ownership regulations may be considered the foundation of a richer field of journalism, where there is no need for concern over the monopoly and oligopoly of public opinion.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.259-289
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• 2004

In this study, the use of mainstream online news site and alternative online news site were compared in the aspects of users' characteristics, attitude on online news sites, and using pattern. A survey was conducted for 182 mainstream-only users, 46 alternative online news users, and 47 both sites users, Also, their traffic data of online news sites were analyzed during the 16th presidential election. As a result, it was found that both sites users had the highest political interest and the most progressive political position among the user groups. In the aspect of users' attitude, mainstream-only users were most positive to the mainstream online news site and both sires users were most positive and more involved in alternative online news site. But all user groups set higher credibility on alternative online news site than mainstream online news sire. In the comparison of user size, mainstream online news site has larger user size than alternative online site. However, the user royalty, such as time per person, pages per person, and visiting days per person, was lower than that of the latter. These results suggest thar small but differentiated news sires have royal users, and online news users be segmented according to news contents.