• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.9-40
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• 2014

This article focuses on Yeheon's consideration and solution for the hostile of social circumstances during the time of the Japanese invasions. Yeheon thought that the Chosun dynasty must have faced such disorder before the war happened. People including the king and his subjects did not live their life according to the righteous principle, and the state was not under control in a way that it should accomplish the Dao. Yeheon thought that the Japanese invasion, which is more like a flood or certain disasters, was not primarily responsible for the harshest of environments. Yeheon paid his attention to the fact that even after the Japanese invasions ended, people were still in disorder losing their mind-and-heart. People's mind-and-heart became that of animals because of starvation and disease. This is because the government made people trapped in a difficult situation by forcing them to prepare for military operations, rather than taking care of them. As a result, in Yeheon's view, the main cause of the social disorder was people's lack of mind-and-heart, which brought about their actions of brutality like those of animals. Although Yeheon himself did not form righteous armies, he instead suggested a right path to overcome and solve the social disorder by describing and analyzing in detail the reality of the war as well as the problems of policies. In particular, Yeheon studied the Zhou yi at the time because understanding the principle of fortune and misfortune, as well as the rise and fall of a state, could give a proper solution to the social turmoil of his times. In Yeheon's eyes, the most important thing to do in the time of people's losing mind-and-heart was to follow li and accomplish the Dao in their daily life. And this was what he, as a gentleman, should do. Yeheon thought that in spite of the harshest of environments, one can still preserve one's grace and dignity, which would overcome one's adversity. This gives us the following questions: should one put aside one's grace and dignity to overcome wartime perils? Or in so doing, one should face more severe time after a short period of peace and stability? These questions concern the relationship between one's morality and the state's responsibility, and what is the right way of doing one's duty to the state is the main philosophical subject in this article.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.39-71
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• 2020

Ever since gaining liberation in 1945, Korean society has constantly recalled memories of Japan's invasion and Korea's anti-Japanese movements for an independent state (AMIS). In the process, a small number of new religious groups were also identified as main subjects within AMIS. However, the logic necessary to connect these religious groups with AMIS was still weak. In order to solve this situation academically, the purpose of this article is to illuminate the activities of Mugeukdo (無極道) and Jo Jeongsan (趙鼎山) through the lens of AMIS and to reflect on the issues that will arise when linking the religion with AMIS. Regarding this purpose, this article analyzed the internal and external data collected by Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會) about Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo's activities linked to AMIS. Later, this paper presents several tasks for future research on this subject matter. Specifically, according to Chapter II, the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo were generally centered on resistance at the family level, Jo Jeongsan's order to participate in the March 1st Movement, and Mugeukdo's industrial activities. In Chapter III, I reviewed the contents of Chapter II using Daesoon Jinrihoe's external materials. According to the results of the review, future research is required to discover and cross-check materials related to the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo believers. Likewise, further research is needed to highlight the theory of the enthronement of emperor (天子登極說) and the Great Opening of the later world (後天開闢) in terms of AMIS. These efforts can make contributions that increase the credibility of Daesoon Jinrihoe's internal data on the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo and expand the periphery of AMIS as it relates to certain religious groups. Subsequently, in Chapter IV, I present three items for reflecting upon the connection between certain religious groups and AMIS. The first is that criteria for establishing the category of AMIS is necessary to determine whether religious activities can be included. Second, reductionist approaches make it difficult to explain the reasons why some of the people who participated in AMIS did so while forming 'new religious movements,' and why these groups have maintained their religious identity even after liberation was achieved in 1945. Third, it is necessary to distinguish between the primary and the secondary dimensions to elaborate on the connection between these religions and AMIS. This means that researchers should be expected to look at whether the activities in question are based on a religious worldview and whether the goal of the activities is the realization of AMIS or the implementation of some aspect of that religious worldview. In the future, considering the mechanisms that make AMIS memorable in Korea, religious groups and religious studies should take greater interest in discovering and accumulating data that facilitates research on these topics. At the same time, effort should be made to find the basis for AMIS within religious worldviews. It can also be made possible through specific interest in further elaboration on the various AMIS-related activities of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.83-95
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• 2004

Chilgok District is a historical area, which has had a certain amount of development. It has its own regional characteristics originating from its isolation from the existing built up area of Daegu City by the Kumho River This study explores the historical development processes and pending development issues of Chilgok District. In 1640 after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, the district upgraded into Chilgok Dohobu due to its importance as a transportation hub of Youngnamdaero(the main road of Youngnam province in Chosun Dynasty). In its early stages, the government office was located in Kasan fortress, later the of office was moved to Eupnae-Dong. The Chilgok district has experienced a developmental lag resulting from the office's removal to Waegwan, located on the Kyungbu railroad since 1914. Later, due to the increasing influence of nearby Daegu City, urbanization continued gradually. Finally in 1981 Chilgok district was officially incorporated into Daegu Metropolitan City. In the later 1980s, the housing land development project was applied into the district centered on the alluvial plain of Palgeo-Cheon(stream) of the Northern part of Taejun-Bridge. Although the old built up zone was excluded from public sector development projects, private sector development has made the zone a modern town. Now, Chilgok district has transformed into a high-density residential new town in which high-rise apartment complexes mingle with numerous houses. As the district has developed, traffic jams have become a hot issue and it is going to get worse than now as the development continues. To solve this problem, Daegu city needs to swiftly construct the fourth belt way and the third subway line.

• Journal of the Korean Professional Engineers Association
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.12-20
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• 1979

The early history of gun powder (black powder) and explosives was closely connected with the discovery of methods of preparing and purifing salpetre (potassium nitrate KNO$_3$). The Chineses apparently became acquainted with salpetre firstly on about 11th century, and they were possibly the original discoverers of salpetre for raw material of gun powder. The Egyptians called it “Chinese snow”, and it is significant that Chingis-Khan, the Mongol conqueror, took the Chinese eenginees with him in 1218 to use it for attacking the fortifications of the Persian cities. The black powder was invented by chance by Chinese alchemists during the Song dynasty (11th century) in the process of manufacturing medicine, and the powder was introduced to Europe by Mongol army. The manufacturing method of salpetre and gun powder was introduced to Korea from China in 1374, and the powder alld gunnery manufacturing project was developed by Mu Sun Choe(崔茂宣), the first Korean engineer late in Koryo dynasty. Coming in to Yi dynasty the explosive technic, extractive method of salpetre, and gunnery manufacturing process were developed greatly by Mu Sun Choe and Hai Sin Choe (崔海臣). However, confronting with the Japanes invasion at Imjin War (1597) with more powerful western style rifles which had been introduced from the Portuguese, on the contrary Korean army with the traditional guns couldn't compete with them. The Chochong(烏銃, the western rifle introduced in Japane) were much superior to the Chinese style traditional guns in the shooting power and striking efficiency. On the other hand, the Japanese battle ships armed only with the Chochong, when confronted with the Korean turtle shaped ships under the commanding of Admiral Yi Sun-Sin(李舞臣), were defeated by the Korean canons on the ships. The technical development of the modern powder industry in Korea. with the construction of four big explosive plants from 1930 to 1945, has resulted the mass-production of explosives. This study was purposed to investigate to the process with regard to the details of introduction to the explosive technology in Korea, and intended to give a help to the engineers who are engaged in study of the explosive technics by means of giving a spot light data on the early process of the designs, and making suggestion to the researchers for further study and invent a new and modern explosive.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.38
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• pp.305-321
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• 1998

The costume style of the Chosun dynasty changed greatly after Imjinwaeran (the Japanese Invasion of Chosun Korea, 1592∼1598). Most of the extant costumes come from the late Chosun, but some costumes produced be-fore Imjinwaeran have been excavated, and in addition, information on these older constumes is contained in contemporary literature. Of especial value in the study of pre-Imjinwaeran Chosun constumes is a mid-sixteenth century palace painting depicting the worship of Buddha, a painting in the collection of the Ho-Am Art Museum in Seoul. The present study of costume during the middle Chosun dynasty focuses on this painting, and compares it with other contemporary palace paintings, and with other contemporary palace paintings, and with Nectar Ritual Paintings. The following conclusion were drawn : * Concerning woman's hair styles of the time, married women wore a large wig. Un-married women braided their hair, and then either let it fall down their back or wore it coiled on top of their head. * The major characteristic of woman's costumes was a ample, tube-like silhouette, with the ratio of the Jeogori(Korean woman's jacket) and skirt being one-to-one. * The style of Jeogori in the painting was like that of excavated remains. Some Jeogoris were simple (without decoration), while some Jeogoris were worn with red sashes. Here we can confirm the continuity of ancient Korean costumes with those of the sixteenth century * Although the skirt covered the ankles, it did not touch the ground. Because the breadth of the skirt was not wide, it seems to have been for ordinary use. Colors of skirts were mainly white or light blue. * All men in the painting wore a headdress. Ordinary men, not Buddhist monks, wore Bok-du (headstring), Chorip (straw hat), or Heuk-rip (black hat). In this painting, men wore a Heukrip which had a round Mojeong (crown). * The men wore sashes fastened around their waist to close their coats, which was different from the late Chosun, in which men bound their sashes around their chest. That gave a ration of the bodice of the coat to the length of the skirt of one-to-one, which was consistent with that of woman's clothing. * In this painting, we cannot see the Buddhist monk's headdress that appeared later in the Chosun, such as Gokkal (peaked hat), Songnak (nun's hat), and Gamtu (horsehair cap). These kinds of headdresses, which appeared in paintings from the seventeenth century, were worn widely inside or outside the home. Buddhist monks wore a light blue long coat, called Jangsam (Buddhist monk's robe) and wore Gasa (Buddhist monk's cope), a kind of ceremonial wrap, round their body. We can see that the Gasa was very splendid in the early years of the Chosun dynasty, a continuing tradition of Buddhist monk's costumes from the Koryo dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.25-55
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• 2011

The currently existing "Bonchojeonghwa (本草精華)" is a manuscript without the preface and the epilogue, composed of 2 books in 2 volumes. This book is a quintessence of knowledge on science of medicinal ingredients (medicinal phytology I herbal science) as well as an trial of new development in Chosun medical science. I.e. this book includes surprising change representing medical science in Chosun dynasty as a single publication on science of medicinal ingredients. It holds a value essential to clinician as a specialized book in medicinal ingredients, and Includes richer content on medicinal ingredients than any other books published before. In addition, it is away from boring list-up of superfluous knowledge as seen in "Bonchokangmok(本草綱目)" published in China, and well summarizes essential knowledge which can be used within a range of medicines available in Korea. This book has an outstanding structure that can be even used in today's textbook on science of medicinal ingredients, as it has clear theory, system and classification. Because it handles essential learning points prior to prescription to disease, it is possible to configure new prescription and adjustment of medicinal materials. Moreover, this book can play a good role for linguistic study at the time of publication, because it describes many drugs in Hangul in many parts of the book. "Bonchojeonghwa" includes a variety of animals, plants and mineral resources in Korea, like "Bonchokangmok" which was recently listed in UNESCO. As such, it has a significance in natural history as well as pharmacy in Korean Medicine. It has various academic relationships all in biologic & abiologic aspects. It has importance in sharing future biological resources, building up international potential, setting up the standard for biologic species under IMF system, and becoming a base for resource diplomacy. We should not only see it as a book on medicinal ingredients in terms of Oriental Medicine, but also make an prudent approach to it in terms of study strengthening Korea's national competitiveness. After bibliographical reviewing on the features & characteristics of the only existing copy of "Bonchojeonghwa" housed in Kyujanggak(奎章閣) of Seoul National University, the followings are noted. First, "Bonchojeonghwa" is a specialized book on medicinal ingredients voluntarily made by private hands to distribute knowledge on drugs in the desolate situation after Imjinoeran (Japanese Invasion in 1592), without waiting for governmental help. Second, it raised accessibility and practicality by new editing. Third, it classified 990 different kinds of drugs into plant, animal, and mineral at large, and dassified more in detail into 15 'Bu' and 48 'Ryu' at 258 pages. Fourth, the publication of this book is estimated to be around 1625~1633, at the time of Injo's reign in 17th century. Fifth, it contains the existing & up-to-date knowledge at the time of publication, and it is possible to see the supply-demand situation by Hangul descriptions in 149 places in the book. By the fact that there are many linguistic evidences of 17th century, explains well when the book was published.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.63 no.4
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• pp.56-69
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• 2013

This study studies the fabrics from excavated 17th century tombs of Mrs. Min from Yeoheung family(1586~1656), Yeo-on Kim(1596~1665) and Won-rip Choi(1618~1690) and attempts to clarify the relationship between the fashion trend in fabrics of those times and the background behind it by viewing and examining the proportion of twill fabrics to the total silk fabrics and the characteristics of its weave and patterns. Looking into fabrics from the above tombs, twill fabrics accounted for 10.4%(13 pieces) 19.3%(16 pieces) and 9.2%(9 pieces) of total silk fabrics in each of the respective tombs. This forms a remarkable contrast with the fact that there was only one piece of twill silk fabrics(0.5%) and not any from the 16th century tombs of Mrs. Yoon from Papyeong family (0.5%) and Soo-ryoon Sim(0%). In particular, the percentage of hwamun-neung(patterned twill fabrics) in each of the tombs is 8.0%(10 pieces), 13.3%(11 pieces), 9.2%(9 pieces), which is much higher than that of non-patterned one. This is common to the twill fabrics from above three 17th century tombs. Patterns of hwamun-neung(patterned twill), simplified small flower patterns or geometrical figures, from the three excavated tombs are mostly arranged sporadically with blank space. It is supposed that these figurative characteristics reflected the aesthetic sense of the gentry at that time which valued simplicity and moderation for their Confucian standard. This phenomenon of increased use and production of twill fabrics in the 17th century resulted from different factors such as wars like Japanese Invasion of Korea(1592~1598), economic difficulty, government regulations against the production of high-class fabrics, development of weaving skill and its fixation, changes of fabric production environments, and changes of aesthetic sense preferring naive and moderate things to showy ones. As for the weaving characteristics of twill fabrics from the three 17th century tombs 3 leaf warp-faced twill was often used for the ground texture and 4 leaf warp-faced one was occasionally used. For pattern texture 6 leaf weft-faced twill was frequently used, 4 leaf weft-faced twill and 3 leaf weft-faced twill were used at times, and floating one was occasionally used as well.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.20
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• pp.61-76
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• 2018

The National Museum of Korea conducted conservation treatmenton the armor in its collection for the purposes of public display and appropriate preservation. This was preceded by a literature study on the types and features of the armor in order to collect basic data for secure and accurate conservation treatment. The literature study found that during the Joseon dynasty, armor was named in reflection of precise details including the color, material, status of the wearer, and even the certain parts of a suit of armor. In general, the name of armor includes the details in the order of color, underlying textile, and scale material (e.g., iron, leather). The former part of the name presents the features of the garment and the latter part refers to the material of the scales or the status of the wearer. The study also found that main materials used in armor include textiles, leather, and metal, and armor can be classified by the materials of the scales-e.g., metal armor (鐵甲), leather armor (皮甲), paper armor (紙甲), paper-and-fabric armor (淹心甲), silk armor (緞甲). Joseon-period armor can also be classified into four types according to its structure and the method of wearing, and overcoat(袍)-style armor was the most widely used in the period following the Japanese Invasion of Joseon (1592-1598) through the late nineteenth~early twentieth century. Overcoat-style armor was commonly worn by infantry, and the four examples of armor with leather scales at the National Museum of Korea belong to this category.

• Atmosphere
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.719-734
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• 2015

Korea is one of the country with the world's oldest meteorological observation records. Starting with first meteorological record of fog in Goguryeo in the year of 34 BC, Korea had left a great deal of quantitative observation records, from the Three Kingdoms Period to Goryeo to Joseon. During the Joseon Dynasty, with a great attention by kings, efforts were particularly made to measure rainfall in a systematic and scientific manner. In the 23rd year of King Sejong (1441), the world's first rain gauge called "Chugugi" was invented; in the following year (1442), a nationwide rainfall observation network was established. The King Sejong distributed Chugugi to 350 observation stations throughout the state, even to small towns and villages, for measuring and recording rainfall. The rainfall observation using Chugugi, initiated by King Sejong, had been in place for about 150 years, but halted during national disturbances such as Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. Since then, the observation had been forgotten for a long time until the rainfall observation by Chugugi was resumed in the 48th year of King Yeongjo (1770). King Yeongjo adopted most of the existing observation system established by King Sejong, including the size of Chugugi and observation rules. He, however, significantly reduced the number of Chugugi observation stations to 14, and commanded the 352 local authorities such as Bu, Gun, Hyeon to conduct "Wootaek", a method of measuring how far the moisture had absorbed into the soil when it rains. Later on, six more Chugugi stations were established. If the number of stations of Chugugi and Wootaek are combined together, the total number of rainfall observation station in the late period of Joseon Dynasty was 372. The rainfall observation with Chugugi during the Joseon Dynasty is of significance and excellence in three aspects: 1) the standard size of Chugugi was so scientifically designed that it is as great as today's modern rain gauge; 2) rainfall was precisely measured, even with unit of Bun (2 mm); and 3) the observation network was distributed on a nationwide basis.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.97-116
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• 2014

When the Yongle Emperor of the Ming Dynasty seized the power as the emperor of China, he issued a royal order to Hokwang and others, to publish a book entitled "Sambudaejeon," in the name of following the death-bed instruction of Taizu. The book was completed no less then 10 months after the order was issued in September 1415(Yongle 13). With the first copy imported from the Ming Dynasty as the original script, Sambudaejeon was engraved on wood by going sharing with 3 provinces including Gyeongsang-do, Jeonlla-do, and Gangwon-do, during the period of 1427~1428(Sejong 9~10). The result of surveying and analysing the distribution of the Ming Dynasty was imported to Chosun, shows that the engraving copy of the original script from the Ming was published more then 18 times in Chosun, among which only 50 types are identified to exist currently. As a result of analyzing these 50 existing types, This status of publication suggests that the books were intensively published and distributed in Gyeonggi and Gyeongsang provinces where the demands for the books were urgent, to meet the needs when the books were rapidly lost during the period of Japanese invasion.