• Journal of Distribution Research
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.71-99
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• 2010

Most of studies on patriotism in the marketing area have focused on ethnocentric tendencies observed in consumption behaviors. On the contrary, there have been few empirical studies on how patriotism in the general sense, indicating affection for, attachment to, and pride in the country, influences consumers' evaluation of domestic and foreign products. Given the current situation that marketing activities appealing to people's patriotism is increasing, this is somewhat surprising. Thus, this study examined empirically how patriotism influences people's evaluation of domestic and foreign products. In addition, we tested whether consumer ethnocentrism works as an intervening variable in the relation between patriotism and product evaluation. The empirical analysis was conducted through a questionnaire survey of undergraduate and graduate students at universities in Seoul. The survey asked about the respondents' patriotism, consumer ethnocentrism, domestic product evaluation, foreign product evaluation, and demographical characteristics. In foreign product evaluation, the respondents were requested to evaluate Chinese and Japanese products. Email was used to send and recover the questionnaires, and 135 replies were used in the analysis. Major findings from the empirical analysis are as follows. First, a significant relationship was observed between patriotism and domestic product evaluation. That is, patriotic participants evaluated domestic products more favorably. On the other hand, no significant relationship was observed between patriotism and foreign product evaluation(See Table 1-1 and 1-2). Next, the effect of patriotism on domestic product evaluation was mediated by consumer ethnocentrism. However, whether the effect of patriotism on domestic product evaluation is mediated by consumer ethnocentrism partially or fully was different according to product(See Table 2-1 and 2-2). Lastly, we tried to analyze the relation between consumer ethnocentrism and product evaluation and comparing the results with findings of previous researches. According to the results, a significant relationship was observed between consumer ethnocentrism and domestic product evaluation but not between consumer ethnocentrism and foreign product evaluation. The meanings of this study are as follows. First, there have been few marketing studies that investigated the relation between patriotism and product evaluation. Thus, this study is meaningful in that it supplemented the limitation of previous research. Second, consumer ethnocentrism was found to mediate the relation between patriotism and domestic product evaluation. Considering the absence of previous research that examined the role of consumer ethnocentrism as an intervening variable, this study is significant in that it expanded the scope of research on consumer ethnocentrism. Third, from the practical aspect, the results of this study suggest that marketing appealing to patriotism is effective in stimulating consumers' purchase and consumption of domestic products. Accordingly, such a marketing strategy is expected to be effective in protecting domestic markets from imported goods and overseas brands and to increase demands for domestic products and brands. However, there is the question of whether the effect of patriotism based marketing strategies in promoting demand for domestic products would persist. That is, this study could not find a significant relation between patriotism and foreign product evaluation, and this means that the increase in patriotism for the home country does not damage people's view to the quality of foreign products negatively. Accordingly, without change in people's perception of foreign products, it is highly likely that the increase in demand for domestic products or brands induced by patriotism elevated at a specific time or situation may not last long. Fourth, the results of this study suggest that the patriotism level may influence consumers' choice behavior toward retailers strongly connected to a specific country or region. That is, consumers with high level patriotism may hesitate or avoid using a retailer associated with some foreign country. Fifth, according to the results of this study, when people's patriotism is stimulated by a specific social situation or event, it can be an opportunity for domestic franchise brands to increase their market performance such as sales and market share and, at the same time, for foreign franchise brands to experience adversities. Therefore, during a period like the Olympic Games or the World Cup when people's sense of belonging or attachment to their country is heightened, domestic franchise brands need to make marketing activities that may lead market opportunities to substantial results and foreign franchise brands to cope with such adversities. Sixth, consumers' brand choice is often made in retail stores. It has been demonstrated by numerous studies that in store stimuli such as point of purchase display can affect consumers' behavior. Considering this, domestic brands facing competition with foreign brands should make continuous efforts to enhance the market performance of their products through developing in store stimuli that can stimulate consumers' patriotism. Finally, based on the major findings of this study, both academic and practical issues were discussed. Suggestions for future studies were provided.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.72-89
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• 2012

This study aimed to reconsider the theory that the renowned Amisan(峨眉山) terraced garden at north of Gyotaejeon(交泰殿) was artificially made, by reviewing the historical records and drawings. It has been widely accepted that Amisan was made of the digged soil from Gyeonghoeji(慶會池). But several arguments about artificial mountain theory of Amisan that completely not be found in historical records have been raised in this study. The results were summarized as follows; the inherent contradiction in existing opinion, the discordance between the time of building Gyeonghoeji and Gyotaejeon, the existence of the mountain range which connect Baekaksan and Amisan appeared in Dohyeong(圖形), historical documents written in the years of kingdoms of Youngjo(英祖) and Gojong(高宗), a high position seen from Heungbogjeon(興復殿) in the north Amisan through the wall in the east but impassable, an opinion about realization Amisan as geomantic term of Amisa(蛾眉砂) at the time of Gyeongbok Palace reconstruction, and preservation of the mountain range in Gyeongbok Palace that comes from the result of the arguments in main mountain of Gyeongbok Palace in the year of Sejong(世宗). In addition, it was investigated why the slop in the north of Gyotaejeon was named as Aminsan and why the artificial mountain theory is appeared and made a conclusion that the Amisan comes from the change of the pronunciation of the geomantic term "Amisa", and modeling the yijing[意景] of Amisan which is a sacred place of Taoism and Buddhism in Sichuan[四川] of Chinaand the view of construction to mean defeating a spirit of smallpox which had to be cured. And it seems to be a result which retroactively applied the artificial mountain theory of Amisanis the technique of 'constructing mountain with digged pond dirt' to the relationship between Gyeonghoeji and Amisan. The greater part of mountain range which was connecting with Baekaksan and Amisan was seriously disconnected with large scale of exposition by the Japanese colonial period in 1915. But low slope is kept about 70 meters along the trail northeast of Gyotaejeon. Accordingly, it is judged that the range has not been entirely destroyed. And according to the result of elevation analysis, discontinuous slope form certain axis is found, so the mountain range of Amisan is approximately estimated. This basic research about the mountain range of Amisan might provide a critical clue about restoration of topography in Gyeongbok Palace.

• Journal of Environmental Health Sciences
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.9-40
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• 1984

This thesis purports to overview the diverse administrative and organizational factors and plannings developed by the government organizations, municipal or otherwise, to tackle the Han River water pollution issues in the past years. This thesis also looks into the ever-worsening Han River water pollution problems, in particular, in terms of the various government plans ostensibly designed to reduce the pollution level but with little success. Also dealt with are the efficiencies with which the laws and decrees on water pollution the administrative organizations put to use in the prosecution of the diverse antiwater pollution projects involving the Han River basin. From the early 1960's up to the 1970's the government had concentrated on the growth-oriented economic policy with the result that little attention had been paid to the water pollution and other environmental issues that are bound to arise from the massive economic growth. Belatedly, the five-year Hah River Development Project was initiated in 1982 with emphasis on reducing the water pollution level at Hah River to the minimum. The following are the gists of the thesis and recommendations for the future antiwater pollution plans by the administrative organizations: 1. Documents to date indicate that the irrigation projects along the Han River area had been the main focus of attention during the Yi Dynasty and under the Japanese rule of the country. 2. Despite that the water pollution issue became the subject of many debates among the academic and research institutions in the 1960's and in the 1970's, the administrative organizations in charge of the Han River water quality control failed to come up with a concrete plan for the river's water quality control. 3. Nevertheless, the water pollution of the Han River area in fact began in the 1950's, with the unprecedented concentration into Seoul of population and the industrial facilities on a larger scale, in particular, enforced by the government's strong growthoriented policy in its Economic Development plans in the 1960's. 4. Starting in the 1960's, the Han River water pollution level dramatically increased, but the government was reluctant to promulgate or put into effect strong measures to curb the many factors contributing to the river water pollution, thus worsening the environmental issues along the Han River basin. 5. The environmental protection law and other laws and decrees relating to the antiwater and air pollution issues that were subsequently put into effect underwent so many changes that efficient anti-water pollution policies could not be effected for the Han River basin. The frequent organizational reshuffle within the administrative units concerned with environmental problems has resulted in the undue waste in personnel management and finance. 6. The administration on the environmental protection could not be efficiently carried out due to the organizational overlapping. Under the existing law, frequent organizational frictions and inefficiency are bound to occur among the central government offices themselves, as well as between the central government and the Seoul city administration, and among the city's administrative offices over the conservation of the Han River basin and over the river's anti-water pollution issue. 7. In the planning and prosecution of the Han River project, political influences from the president down to the lower-level politicious appear to have been involved. These political influences in the past had certainly had negative influence on the project, nevertheless, it appears that in the recent years, these political influences are not all that negative in view of the fact that they serve as a positive contributing factor in developing a better water quality control project along the Han River basin. The following are a few recommendations based on the data from the thesis: First, officials in charge of the Han River water quality control should pay attention to a careful screening of the opinions and recommendations from the academic circles and from the public should be made so that the government could better grasp the core issues in the environmental problems that require preventive and other necessary measures. Second, vigorous redistribution policies of population and industrial facilities away from the Seoul area should be pursued. Third, the government should refrain from revising or revamping too frequently the laws and decrees on the anti-water pollution, which is feared to cause undue inconveniences in the environmental administration. Fourth, a large-scale streamlining should be made to the existing administrative organization in an effort to do away with the inter- and intra-organizational friction. It is recommended that a secretariat for the Hah River basis conservation be established. Fifth, High-level administrative officials, with a thorough knowledge and vision on the Han River water quality control, should be prepared to better deal with the budgeting and personnel management for the Han River water pollution control not only at the control government, but also at the Seoul city municipal government levels. Environmental issues should be kept distinct from political issues. Environmental issues should not serve as a window-dressing for sheer political purposes. Sixth, the Hah River proiect should also include, along with the main Han River basin, those areas covering North Han River, South Han River, and the tributaries to the main river basin. The 'Han River Basin Water Quality Control Board' should be established immediately as a means of strengthening the current Han River basin water quality control policy. Seventh, in drawing up the Han River proiect, the administrative officials should be aware that Han River basin is a life line for those people in the region, providing them with not only a sheer physical space, but with a psychological living space for their everyday life.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.5
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• pp.113-121
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• 2010

Shumi-sen(須彌山), built by Nohjagong(路子工) in the southern garden of the Palace Garden during the Asuka Period, is understood as being Sumeru based on an Indian perspective of the theory of the origin of universe. It is also viewed as Mt. Myogoh from a Chinese Buddhist worldview. It is thought to be a type of assembled stone structure with Poong-ryoon (風輪)-Su-ryoon(水輪)-Geum-ryoon(金輪)-Ji-ryoon(地輪) carved into each of the 4 stone pieces. These building shapes are thought to have been utilized as stone for exterior construction as opposed to those structures built during the Shilla Period of China and Korea. Aside from Nohjagong's record of Shumi-sen, most of the records from Japan's period of the time suggest that Shumi-sen was an important element that played a role in the scenery of the seasonal outdoor gardens. It is also thought, from the sentences and expressions surrounding the records, that a combination of the seasonal sceneries was utilized centered on Shumi-sen, and that they were all used during festival events. From a perspective of analysis and interpretation dependent on the limited literature and on observation, it cannot be verified whether the Mt. Sumeru Stone(須彌山石) excavated from the Stone God Ruins is the same Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built along with Okyo(吳橋), but it is thought that the 'Shumi-sen type stone structure' that was later built repeatedly as part of the palace garden facilities is identical to the Shumi-sen built at the Imperial Palace's southern garden, or at least a re-built structure based on the Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built with stones and ponds used to create the foundation. Thus, Shumi-sen that Nohjagong supposedly built along with Okyo is suspected to be a figurative rock arrangement and, at the same time, a miniaturized scenic rock arrangement(縮景樹石) that maximized the shape of Buddhism's Shumi-sen. On the other hand, the surface pattern on Mt. Sumeru Stone is very similar to the multi -layers of mountainous pattern icons expressed in the patterns of the Great Golden Incense Burner(百濟金銅大香爐) or Mountain-Water Scenery Sculptural Brick(山水山景紋?) that were built during the Baekjae pcriod aod the rear side of Hwalsuk-jebul Basal Byungipsang(滑石諸佛菩薩竝立像); it is suspected that similar patterns would have been used if patterns were made on Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built. Also in consideration of the physical theory of MI. Sumeru Stone, the Siphon theory of using a pressure difference in water level was applied to the fountain facilities of Mt. Sumeru Stone that seemed to have been built from the practical rock arrangement perspective for the purpose of feasts, etc.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Oriental Medical Informatics
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.19-42
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• 2008

Blood-Letting Therapy is a rational and ecological medical treatment by which we can heal most of the diseases by removing the static blood which precipitates in the blood vessel and blocks the flowing of blood. And the static blood is the generic term for the injurious, bad, dead and precipitated blood which is blocked the capillary vessel. The Yellow Emperor's Canon of Internal Medicine says that "the patient is treated with drugs internally and stone acupuncture externally. "In the old texts, the blood-letting therapy is mentioned as blood-letting, network vessel pricking, bloodletting, pricking, and arousing pulses etc and it is noted down as the method of network vessel pricking in 'On the Application of Needles' of Spiritual Pivot. Nine-pricking therapy, twelve-pricking therapy and five-pricking therapy are recorded in the methods of network vessel pricking and among them, the method of squeezing blood after pricking the affected part is explained as the network vessel pricking. There are four methods of network vessel pricking, pricking, picking, cluster needling and scatter-pricking and they are fluidly applied to the various symptoms of diseases. In 'On Discriminative Treating for Patients of Different Regions' in Elementary Questions, Ki-baek emphasizes "most of the local people, there are black in skin and loose in striate, and their diseases are mostly of carbuncle kind. It is suitable to treat the disease with stone therapy to prick with stone, so the stone therapy is transmitted from the east. "And in 'On the Corresponding Relation Between the Eum and Yang of Man and All Things' in Elementary Questions, when the Emperor asked Ki-Back, he answered "sthenia means the sthenia of evil, and deficiency means the deficiency of healthy energy. When the blood is sthenic, the evil should be discharged by pricking when out letting the blood; deficiency of vital energy is the asthenia of channels and network vessels, so the energy should drain from the channel which is not deficient, to replenish. "And in this case we can use the methods of 'Breaking out the static bloods', 'driving out the static bloods', blood-letting'. With this we can infer that the blood-letting therapy is made use of the important medical treatments from the ancient times. Especially in referring to the principles of treatment in The Yellow Emperor's Canon of Internal Medicine, it mostly alluded to acupuncture therapies and only eleven times to medicinal treatments. This is to verify that the blood-letting therapy formed the foundation of the medical art. In Dong's Therapy of Acupuncture-Moxibustion and Bloodletting, Dong Kyeong-Chang gave emphasis on the points that there must be extravasated bloods without exception in the serious illnesses which is old, unnatural, accompanying acute pains and so we can revive our body‘s sprit by circulating 'gi' and static blood piled up in the network vessel, regulating the weakness and strength, and controling the disharmony of the internal organs. The blood-letting therapy has effect on the orifice in emergency, such as fore draining, freeing network vessels, harmonizing gi and blood, relieving pain, dispersing swelling and concretion, sedation, resolving toxin as well as strengthening the heart, relieving itching. So it has distinguished effect on all kinds of medical treatment to the modern people. But by the change of social customs and the confucianism of confucius - it is widely spread on the period of North and South Dynasties, 'Wi' and 'Jin' in china and the period of the Three States in korea - The blood-letting therapy which was regarded as the most important medicinal treatment withered rapidly. And Confucius accentuated the importance of our body and all its members, loyalty and filial piety and banned any damage of our body under no circumstances. As a result of it, the therapy of blood-letting had a rapid decrease and barely kept itself in existence in both countries. What is worse, at the period of Japanese colonial rule of korea and our nation's founding of early stage, it has been withered by the high-handed policy to change Oriental Medicine into modern medical science. So the therapy of blood-letting barely kept itself in existence in some Buddhist temples. Another case, it has handed down as a old-fashioned quick fix in folk remedies. But all kinds of the contamination of heavy metals and the misuses of antibiotics are widely spread nowadays, which increased diseases of adult people and incurable diseases as modern society unavoidably made its way into a highly industrial society. To make us more miserable, the western medical science - the antibiotics and surgical operation medical science - already reveals itself into a limit. The necessity of a new medical science which can give a security to the patients who are suffering from the diseases of adult people and the incurable diseases is especially come into the force nowadays. In view of the results after bibliographically studying on the blood-letting Therapy in Elementary Questions of the Yellow Emperor's Canon of Internal Medicine, the blood-letting therapy has acted for the important Oriental medicinal science and has been clarified the prominent effects on the diseases of adult people and the incurable diseases. So it is regarded as an appropriate thing that we lay out a determined theory of the blood-letting therapy and of course prevent the unwanted side effects from inappropriate medicinal treatments, and make full use of clinic by elevating the curative value and that we win back our self-respect of medical treatment which is dominated from the western medical science and ultimately contribute to national medical welfare.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.90-118
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• 2021

Gaeseong fostered the conditions necessary for modern capitalism, as huge capital was accumulated through the cultivation and trade of ginseng, which were activities that flourished in the 18th century. During the Japanese colonial era, ginseng merchants were not simply limited to acquiring landowner capital from ginseng trade but actively converted such resource to productive and financial capital, thereby becoming modern entrepreneurs. Ginseng merchants led the joint management and investment of Gaeseong Electric Co., Ltd., Daehan Cheonil Bank, Gaeseong Brewing Co., Ltd., and Songgo Textile Company, founded in the early 20th century. They pursued corporate profits and, as leading individuals of society, spearheaded regional development by supporting educational and cultural projects in Gaeseong. These projects included the establishment of the Gaeseong Commercial School, the publication of Goryeo Times, and the operation of the Gaeseong Jwa Theater. Although liberal economics prioritized shareholder interest, the 21st century witnessed an emphasis on social responsibility among stakeholders asthe major purpose of enterprises. A trend that emerged was ESG (environment, social, governance) management, in which non-financial factors are valued more highly than financial performance. A successful business, which was denoted only by high profits in the past, is now defined by whether a company fulfills its social responsibility. In the early 20th century, the corporate activities of ginseng merchants in Gaeseong reflected entrepreneurship and stakeholder-centered ESG management, which later emerged as essential elements of modern business management. The modern management philosophy ahead of its times stemmed from the regionality of Gaeseong. The political discrimination against Gaeseong residents in the Joseon Dynasty precluded them from becoming government officers, and under a strict social hierarchy, yangban ("noblemen"), the intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty, were forced to serve as merchants. Son Bong-sang and Kong Seong-hak, aside from being representative ginseng merchants, were both Confucian scholars and writers. The second and third generations of ginseng merchant families who had received higher education abroad returned to Gaeseong to carry on with their family businesses, then established modern companies with capital accrued from the ginseng industry. An analysis of the commercial activities of ginseng merchants in the early 20th century confirmed that these individuals were pioneering entrepreneurs who adopted the ESG management philosophy. In ginseng merchants, one sees a dimension of capitalism with a human face, as with ginseng thatsaves human life.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.189-217
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• 2017

Declaration of Air Defense and Identification Zones started with the United States in 1950, which was followed by declaration of KADIZ by the Republic of Korea in 1951. Initial ADIZ were solely linked with air defense missions, but their roles have changed as nations around the globe manifested a tendency to expand their influence over maritime resources and rights. In particular, China declared ADIZ over the East China Sea in October 2013 and forced all passing aircraft to submit flight plan to ATC or military authority, saying failure of submission will be followed by armed engagement. China announced it would declare another zone over the South China Sea despite the ongoing conflict in the area, clearly showing ADIZ's direct connection with territorial claim and EEZ and that it serves as a zone within which a nation can execute its rights. The expanded KADIZ, which was expanded in Dec 15, 2013 in response to Chinese actions, overlaps with the Chinese ADIZ over the East China Sea and the Japanese ADIZ. The overlapping zone is an airspace over waters where not only the Republic of Korea but also of China and Japan argue to be covering their continental shelf and EEZ. Military conventions were signed to prevent contingencies among the neighboring nations while conducting identifications in KADIZ, including the overlapping zone. If such military conventions and practice of air defense identification continue to be respected among states, it is under the process of turning into a regional customary law, although ADIZ is not yet recognized by international law or customary law. Moreover, identification within ADIZ is carried out by military authorities of states, and misguided customary procedures may cause serious negative consequences for national security since it may negatively impact neighboring countries in marking the maritime border, which calls for formulation of operation rules that account for other state activities and military talks among regional stake holders. Legal frameworks need to be in place to guarantee freedom of flights over international seas which UN Maritime Law protects, and laws regarding military aircraft operation need to be supplemented to not make it a requirement to submit flight plan if the aircraft does not invade sovereign airspace. Organizational instructions that require approval of Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff for entrance and exit of ADIZ for military aircraft need to be amended to change the authority to Minister of National Defense or be promoted to a law to be applicable for commercial aircraft. Moreover, in regards to operation and management of ADIZ, transfer of authority should be prohibited to account for its evolution into a regional customary law in South East Asia. In particular, since ADIZ is set over EEZ, military conventions that yield authority related to national security should never be condoned. Among Korea, China, Japan and Russia, there are military conventions that discuss operation and management of ADIZ in place or under negotiation, meaning that ADIZ is becoming a regional customary law in North East Asia region.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.106-115
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• 2011

This study, based on (edited in 18th century), analysed the landscape system and cultural landscape elements of Yuhoidang(Hageowon 何去園) Garden in Musu-dong, Daejeon, and the findings are as in the following. YuHoidang(Gwon Yijin 權以鎭) managed Hageowon Garden in Musu-dong, located on the southern branch of Mt. Bomun, to realize his utopia. The completion of Hageowon Garden was only possible due to his installation of a variety of facilities in family gravesite on the hill behind his house: Shimyoso(Samgeunjeongsa 三近精舍, in 1707), Naboji(納汚池, in 1713), Banhwanwon(in 1714) and expended exterior space(in 1727). With regard to the landscape system of the village, the main range of mountains consists of Mt. Daedun, Mt. Odae and Mt. Bomun. The main high mountain of the three is Mt. Bomun, where 'Blue Dragon' hill branches off on the east side(Eungbong), 'White Tiger' in the west(Cheongeun and Sajeong) and Ansan(inner mountain) in the south. The landscape system is featured by 'mountains in back and rivers in front'. The river in the south-west, with its source in Mt. Juryun is called as the 'Stream of outer perfect spot', while the 'Stream of inner perfect spot' rises from Eungbong, passing through the east part of the village into the south-western direction. Banhwanwon Garden(盤桓園) was created with the stream in the east and natural bedrocks, and its landscape elements includes Naboji, Hwalsudam, Gosudae, Sumi Waterfall, Dogyeong(path of peach trees), Odeeokdae(platform with persimmon trees), Maeryong(Japanese apricot tree), springs and observatories. An expanded version of Banhwanwon was Hageowon garden, where a series of 'water-trees-stone' including streams, four ponds, five observation platforms, three bamboo forests and Chukgyeongwon(縮景園) of an artificial hill gives the origin forest a scenic atmosphere. When it comes to semantics landscape elements, there are (1) Yuhoidang to cherish the memory of a deceased parents, (2) Naboji for family unification, (3) Gosudae to keep fidelity, (4) Odeokdae to collect virtue and wisdom, (5) Sumi Waterfall to aspire to be a man of noble character, (6) Yocheondae for auspicious life, (7) Sumanheon and Gigungjae to be in pursuit of hermitic life, (8) Hwalsudam for development of family and study, (9) Mongjeong to repay favor of ancestors, (10) Seokgasan, a symbol of secluded life, (11) Hageowon to enjoy guarding graves in retired life. The spatial composition of Hageowon was realized through (1) Yuhoidang's inside gardens(Naboji, Jucheondang, Odeokdae, Dogyeong, Back yard garden and others) (2) Sumanheon(收漫軒) Byeolup or Yuhoidang's back yard gardens (Seokyeonji, Yocheondae, Sumanheon, Baegyeongdae, Amseokwon and others) (3) Chukgyeongwon of the artificial hill(which is also the east garden of Sumanheon, being composed of Hwalsudam, Sumi Waterfall and Gasan or 12 mountaintops) (4) the scenic spots for unifying Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism are Cemetry garden in the back hill of the village, the temple of Yeogyeongam, Sansinkak(ancestral ritual place of folk religion) and Geoeopjae(family school). On top of that, Chagyeongwon Garden(借景園) commands a panoramic distant view of nature's changing beauty through the seasons.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).